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ENGLISH SEAMEN 
IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 



WORKS BY JAMES ANTHONY FROUDE. 



THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND, from the Fall of Wolsey to 
the Defeat of the Spanish Armada. 12 vols, crown 8vo. £2 2s. 

THE DIVORCE OF CATHERINE OF ARAGON : the Story 
as told hy the Imperial Ambassadors resident at the Court of Henry 
VIII. In usum Laicorum. Crown 8vo. 6s. 

THE SPANISH STORY OF THE ARMADA, and other 

Essays, Historical and Desceiptive. Crown 8vo. 6s. 

THE ENGLISH IN IRELAND IN THE EIGHTEENTH 

CENTURY. 3 vols, crown Svo. 18s. 

SHORT STUDIES ON GREAT SUBJECTS. 

Cabinet Edition, 4 vols, crown Svo. 24s. 
Popular Edition, 4 vols, crown 8vo. 3s. M. each. 

LIFE AND LETTERS OF ERASMUS. Lectures delivered 
at Oxford, 1893-4. Crown Svo. 6s. 

CiESAR : A Sketch. Crown Svo. 3s. M. 

OCEANA ; or, England and her Colonies. With 9 

Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 2s. boards ; 2s. 6(^. cloth. 

THE ENGLISH IN THE WEST INDIES ; or, the Bow 

OP Ulysses. With 9 Illustrations. Crown Svo. 2s. boards ; 2s. M. 
cloth. 

THE TWO CHIEFS OF DUNBOY ; or, an Irish Romance 
OF THE Last Century. Crown 8vo. 3s. M. 

THOMAS CARLYLE : A History of his Life. With Three 
Portraits. Crown Svo. Vols. I. and II. 7s. Vols. III. and IV. 7s. 



London: LONGMANS, GEEEN, & CO. 



ENGLISH SEAMEN 



THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 



LECTURES DELIVERED AT OXFORD 
EASTER TERMS 1S93-4 



BY 

JAMES ANTHONY FROUDE 

LATE EEGIDS PROFESSOR OF MODEBN HISTORY IN THE 
UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD 



^£iu (Siition 



LONDON 
LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 

1895 
[All rights reserved] 







UiCHARD Clay & Sons, Limited. 
LoKDON & Bungay. 




CONTENTS 



LECTURE PAGE 

I. THE SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION . 1 
II. JOHN HAWKINS AND THE AFRICAN SLAVE 

TRADE ...... 35 

III. SIR JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP THE SECOND 68 

IV. drake's voyage ROUND THE WORLD . 102 
V. PARTIES IN THE STATE . . . .141 

VI. THE GREAT EXPEDITION TO THE WEST 

INDIES , . 176 

VII. ATTACK ON CADIZ ..... 207 

VIII. SAILING OF THE ARMADA . . . 238 

IX. DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA. . . . 272 



ENGLISH SEAMEN 

IK 

THE SIXTEENTH CENTUEY 



LECTUEE I 

THE SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION 

TEAN" PAUL, the German poet, said that God 
had given to France the empire of the land, 
to England the empire of the sea, and to his own 
country the empire of the air. The world has 
changed since Jean Paul's days. The wings of 
France have been clipped ; the German Empire 
has become a solid thing ; but England still 
holds her watery dominion; Britannia does still 
rule the waves, and in this proud position she 
has spread the English race over the globe ; she 

B 



2 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

has created the great American nation ; she is 
peopling new Englands at the Antipodes; she 
has made her Queen Empress of India ; and is 
in fact the very considerable phenomenon in the 
social and political world which all acknowledge 
her to be. And all this she has achieved in the 
course of three centuries, entirely in consequence 
of her predominance as an ocean power. Take 
away her merchant fleets ; take away the navy 
that guards them : her empire will come to an 
end ; her colonies will fall off, like leaves from a 
withered tree ; and Britain will become once 
more an insignificant island in the North Sea, 
for the future students in Australian and New 
Zealand universities to discuss the fate of in their 
debating societies. 

How the English navy came to hold so extra- 
ordinary a position is worth reflecting on. Much 
has been written about it, but little, as it seems 
to me, which touches the heart of the matter. 
We are shown the power of our country growing 
and expanding. But how it grew, why, after a 
sleep of so many hundred years, the genius of 
our Scandinavian forefathers suddenly sprang 



I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION 3 

again into life — of this we are left ■ without 
explanation. 

The beginning Avas uncluubtedly the defeat of 
the Spanish Armada in 1588. Down to that time 
the sea sovereignty belonged to the Spaniards, 
and had been fairly won by them. The conquest 
of Granada had stimulated and elevated the 
Spanish character. The subjects of Ferdinand 
and Isabella, of Charles V. and PhiliiD II., were 
extraordinary men, and accomplished extraordinary 
things. They stretched the limits of the known 
world ; they conquered Mexico and Peru ; they 
planted their colonies over the South American 
continent ; they took possession of the great West 
Indian islands, and with so firm a grasj) that 
Cuba at least will never lose the mark of the 
hand which seized it. They built their cities as 
if for eternit}^ They spread to the Indian Ocean, 
and gave their monarch's name to the Philippines. 
All this they accomplished in half a century, and, 
as it were, they did it with a single hand ; with 
the other they were fighting Moors and Turks 
and protecting the coast of the Mediterranean 
from the corsairs of Tunis and Constantinople. 



4 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

They had risen on the crest of the wave, and 
with their proud Non sufficit orhis were looking 
for new worlds to conquer, at a time when the 
bark of the English water-dogs had scarcely been 
heard beyond their own fishing-grounds, and the 
largest merchant vessel sailing from the port of 
London was scarce bigger than a modern coasting 
collier. And yet within the space of a single 
ordinary life these insignificant islanders had 
struck the sceptre from the Spaniards' grasp and 
placed the ocean crown on the brow of their oavii 
sovereign. How did it come about ? What 
Cadmus had sown dragons' teeth in the furrows 
of the sea for the race to spring from who manned 
the ships of Queen Elizabeth, who carried the 
flag of their own country round the globe, and 
challenged and fought the Spaniards on their 
own coasts and in their own harbours ? 

The English sea power was the legitimate 
child of the Reformation. It grew, as I shall 
show you, directly out of the new despised Pro- 
testantism. Matthew Parker and Bishop Jewel, 
the judicious Hooker himself, excellent men as 
they were, would have written and preached to 



I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION 5 

small purpose without Sir Francis Drake's cannon 
to play an accompaniment to their teaching. 
And again, Drake's cannon would not have roared 
so loudly and so widely without seamen already 
trained in heart and hand to work his ships and 
level his artillery. It was to the sujoerior sea- 
manship, the superior quality of English ships 
and crews, that the Spaniards attributed their 
defeat. Where did these ships come from ? 
Where and how did these mariners learn their 
trade ? Historians talk enthusiastically of the 
national spirit of a people rising with a united 
heart to repel the invader, and so on. But national 
spirit could not extemporise a fleet or produce 
trained officers and sailors to match the con- 
querors of Lepanto. One slight observation I 
must make here at starting, and certainly with 
no invidious purpose. It has been said confidently, 
it has been repeated, I believe, by all modern 
writers, that the Spanish invasion suspended in 
England the quarrels of creed, and united Pro- 
testants and Roman Catholics in defeuce of their 
Queen and country. They remind us especially 
that Lord Howard of Effingham, who was Eliza- 



6 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lfxt. 

beth's admiral, was himself a Roman Catholic. 
But was it so ? The Earl of Arundel, the head 
of the House of Howard, was a Roman Catholic, 
and he was in the Tower pra}dng for the success 
of Medina Sidonia. Lord Howard of Effingham 
was no more a Roman Catholic than — I hope I 
am not taking away their character — than the 
present Archbishop of Canterbury or the Bishop 
of London. He was a Catholic, but an English 
Catholic, as those reverend prelates are. Roman 
Catholic he could not possibly have been, nor any- 
one who on that great occasion was found on the 
side of Elizabeth. A Roman Catholic is one who 
acknowledges the Roman Bishop's authority. The 
Po]3e had excommunicated Elizabeth, had pro- 
nounced her deposed, had absolved her subjects 
from their allegiance, and forbidden them to fight 
for her. No Englishman who fought on that 
great occasion for English liberty was, or could 
have been, in communion witli Rome. Loose 
statements of this kind, lightly made, fall in 
with the modern humour. Tliey are caught up, 
applauded, repeated, and j)ass unquestioned into 
histor}^ It is time to correct them a little. 



1.] SEA CRADLE OP THE REFORMATION 7 

I have in my possession a detailed account of 
the temper of parties in England, drawn up in 
the year 1585, three years before the Armada 
came. The writer was a distinguished Jesuit. 
The account itself was j)repared for the use of 
the Pope and Philip, with a special view to the 
reception which an invading force would meet 
with, and it goes into great detail. The people 
of the towns — London, Bristol, &c. — were, he says, 
generally heretics. The peers, the gentry, their 
tenants, and peasantry, who formed the immense 
majority of the population, were almost univer- 
sally Cathohcs. But this writer distinguishes 
properly among Catholics. There were the 
ardent impassioned Catholics, ready to be con- 
fessors and martyrs, ready to rebel at the first 
opportunity, who had renounced their allegiance, 
who desired to overthrow Elizabeth and put the 
Queen of Scots in her place. The number of 
these, he says, was daily increasing, owing to the 
exertions of the seminary priests ; and plots, he 
boasts, were being continually formed by them to 
murder the Queen. There were Catholics of 
another sort, who were papal at heart, but went 



8 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

with the times to save their property ; who looked 
forward to a change in the natural order of things, 
but would not stir of themselves till an invading 
army actually appeared. But all alike, he insists, 
were eager for a revolution. Let the Prince of 
Parma come, and they would all join him ; and 
together these two classes of Catholics made 
three-fourths of the nation. 

' The only party,' he says (and this is really 
noticeable), 'the only party that would fight to 
death for the Queen, the only real friends she 
had, were the Pwritans (it is the first mention of 
the name which I have found), the Puritans of 
London, the Puritans of the sea towns.' These 
he admits were dangerous, desj)erate, determined 
men. The numbers of them, however, were 
providentially small. 

The date of this document is, as I said, 1585, 
and I believe it generally accurate. The only 
mistake is that among the Anglican Catholics 
there were a few to whom their country was as 
dear as their creed — a few who were booinnino- to 
see that under the Act of Uniformity Catholic 
doctrine might be taught and Catholic ritual 



I.] SEA CRADLE OP THE REFORMATION 9 

practised ; who adhered to the old forms of 
religion, but did not believe that obedience to the 
Pope was a necessary part of them. One of these 
was Lord Howard of Effingham, whom the Queen 
placed in his high command to secure the waver- 
ing fidelity of the peers and country gentlemen. 
But the force, the fire, the enthusiasm came 
(as the Jesuit saw) from the Puritans, from men 
of the same convictions as the Calvinists of 
Holland and Rochelle ; men who, driven from 
the land, took to the ocean as their natural 
home, and nursed the Keformation in an ocean 
cradle. How the seagoing population of the 
North of Euroj^e took so strong a Protestant 
impression it is the purjDose of these lectures to 
explain. 

Henry VIII. on coming to the throne found 
England without a fleet, and without a conscious- 
sense of the need of one. A few merchant hulks 
traded with Bordeaux and Cadiz and Lisbon ; 
hoys and fly -boats drifted slowly backwards and 
forwards between Antwerji and the Tliames. A 
fishing fleet tolerably a23pointod went annually to 
Iceland for cod. Local fishermen worked the 



lo ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

North Sea and the Channel from Hull to Fal- 
mouth. The Chester people went to Kinsale for 
herrings and mackerel : but that was all — the 
nation had aspired to no more. 

Columbus had offered the New World to 
Henry VII. while the discovery was still in the 
air. He had sent his brother to England with 
maps and globes, and quotations from Plato to 
prove its existence. Henry, like a practical 
Englishman, treated it as a wild dream. 

The dream had come from the gate of horn. 
America was found, and the Spaniard, and not the 
English, came into first possession of it. Still, 
America was a large place, and John Cabot the 
Venetian with his son Sebastian tried Henry 
again. England might still be able to secure a 
slice. This time Henry VII. listened. Two small 
ships were fitted out at Bristol, crossed the 
Atlantic, discovered Newfoundland, coasted down 
to Florida looking for a passage to Cathay, but 
could not find one. The elder Cabot died ; the 
younger came home. The expedition failed, and 
no interest had been roused. 

With the accession of Henry VIII. a new era 



I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION ii 

had opened — a new era in many senses. Printing 
was coming into use — Erasmus and his compan- 
ions were shaking Europe with the new learning, 
Copernican astronomy was changing the level disk 
of the earth into a revolving globe, and turning 
dizzy the thoughts of mankind. Imagination was 
on the stretch. The reality of things was assum- 
ing .proportions vaster than fancy had dreamt, 
and unfastening established belief on a thousand 
sides. The young Henry was welcomed by Eras- 
mus as likely to be the glory of the age that was 
opening. He was young, brilliant, cultivated, and 
ambitious. To what might he not aspire under 
the new conditions ! Henry VIII. was all that, 
but he was cautious and looked about him. 
Europe was full of wars in which he was likely 
to be entangled. His father had left the treasury 
Avell furnished. The young King, like a wise 
man, turned his first attention to the broad ditch, 
as he called the British Channel, which formed 
the natural defence of the realm. The opening 
of the Atlantic had revolutionised war and sea- 
manship. Long voyages required larger vessels. 
Henry was the first prince to see the place which 



12 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

gunpowder was going to hold in wars. In his first 
years he re23aired his dockyards, built new ships 
on improved models, and imj)orted Italians to cast 
him new types of cannon. ' King Harry loved a 
man,' it was said, and knew a man when he saw 
one. He made acquaintance with sea captains at 
Portsmouth and Southampton. In some way or 
other he came to know one Mr. William Hawkins, 
of Plymouth, and held him in especial esteem. 
This Mr. Hawkins, under Henry's patronage, 
ventured down to the coast of Guinea and 
brought home gold and ivory; crossed over to 
Brazil ; made friends with the Brazilian natives ; 
even brought back with him the king of those 
countries, who was curious to see what Eng- 
land was like, and presented him to Henry at 
Whitehall. 

Another Plymouth man, Robert Thorne, again 
with Hem-y's help, went out to look for the North- 
west passage which Cabot had failed to find. 
Thome's ship was called the Dorninus Volmcum, 
a pious aspiration which, however, secured no suc- 
cess. A London man, a Master Hore, tried next. 
Master Hore, it is said, was given to cosmography, 



I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION 13 

was a plausible talker at scientific meetings, and 
so on. He ]3crsiiaded ' divers young laAvyci's ' 
(briefless barristers, I suppose) and other gentle- 
men — altogether a hundred and twenty of them 
— to join him. They procured two vessels at 
Gravesend. They took the sacrament together 
before sailing. They apparentlj^ relied on Provi- 
dence to take care of them, for they made little 
other preparation. They reached Newfoundland, 
but their stores ran out, and their ships went on 
shore. In the land of fish they did not know how 
to use line and bait. They fed on roots and 
bilberries, and picked fish-bones out of the ospreys' 
nests. At last they began to eat one another — 
careless of Master Hore, who told them they would 
go to unquenchable fire. A French vessel came 
in. They seized her with the food she had on 
board and sailed home in her, leaving the French 
crew to their fate. The j)oor French happily 
found means of following them. They complained 
of their treatment, and Henry ordered an inquiry; 
but finding, the report says, the great distress 
Master Here's party had been in, was so moved 
with pity, that he did not punish them, but 



14 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

out of his own purse made royal recompense to 
the French. 

Something better than gentlemen volunteers 
was needed if naval enterprise was to come to 
anything in England. The long wars between 
Francis I. and Charles V. brought the problem 
closer. On land the fighting was between the 
regular armies. At sea privateers were let loose 
out of French, Flemish, and Spanish ports. Enter- 
prising individuals took out letters of marque and 
went cruising to take the chance of what they 
could catch. The Channel was the chief hunting- 
ground, as being the highway between Spain 
and the Low Countries. The interval was short 
between privateers and pirates. Vessels of all 
sorts passed into the business. The Scilly Isles 
became a pirate stronghold. The creeks and 
estuaries in Cork and Kerry furnished hiding- 
places where the rovers could lie with security 
and share their plunder with the Irish chiefs. 
The disorder grew wilder when the divorce of 
Catherine of Aragon made Henry into the public 
enemy of Papal Europe. English traders and 
fishing-smacks were plundered and sunk. Their 



I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION^ 15 

crews went armed to defend themselves, and from 
Thames mouth to Land's End the Channel be- 
came the scene of desj)cratc fights. The type of 
vessel altered to suit the new conditions. Life 
depended on speed of sailing. The State Papers 
describe squadrons of French or Spaniards flying 
about, dashing into Dartmouth, Plymouth, or 
Falmouth, cutting out English coasters, or 
fighting one another. 

After Henry was excommunicated, and 
Ireland rebelled, and England itself threatened 
disturbance, the King had to look to his security. 
He made little noise about it. But the Spanish 
ambassador reported him as silently building ships 
in the Thames and at Portsmouth. As invasion 
seemed imminent, he began with sweeping the 
seas of the looser vermin. A few swift well-armed 
cruisers pushed suddenly out of the Solent, 
caught and destroyed a pirate fleet in Mount's 
Bay, sent to the bottom some Flemish privateers 
in the Downs, and captured the Flemish admiral 
himself. Danger at home growing more menac- 
ing, and the monks spreading the fire which grew 
into the Pilgrimage of Grace, Henry suppressed 



1 6 ENGTJSII SEAMEN [lect. 

the abbeys, sold the lands, and with the proceeds 
armed the coast with fortresses. ' You threaten 
me; he seemed to say to them, 'that you Avill use 
the wealth our fathers gave you to overthroAV my 
Government and bring in the invader. I will 
take your wealth, and I will use it to disappoint 
your treachery.' You may see the remnants of 
Henry's work in the fortresses anywhere along the 
coast from Berwick to the Land's End. 

Louder thundered the Vatican, In 1539 
Henry's time appeared to have come. France 
and Spain made peace, and the Pope's sentence " 
was now expected to be executed by Charles or 
Francis, or both. A crowd of vessels large and 
small was collected in the Scheldt, for what pur- 
jaose save to transport an army into England ? 
Scotland had joined the Catholic League. Henry 
fearlessly appealed to the English jDeople. Catholic 
peers and priests might conspire against him, 
but, explain it how we will, the nation was loyal 
to Henry and came to his side. The London 
merchaats armed their ships in the river. From 
the seaports everywhere came armed brigantines 
and sloops. The fishermen of the West left their 



I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION 17 

boats and nets to their wives, and the fishing was 

none the worse, for the women handled oar and 

sail and line and went to the whiting-grounds, 

while their husbands had gone to fight for their 

King. Genius kindled into discovery at the call 

of the country. Mr. Fletcher of Rye (be his name 

remembered) invented a boat the like of which 

was never seen before, which would work to 

windward, with sails trimmed fore and aft, the 

greatest revolution yet made in shipbuilding. A 

hundred and fifty sail collected at Sandwich to 

match the armament in the Scheldt ; and Marillac, 

the French ambassador, reported with amazement 

the energy of King and people. 

The Catholic Powers thought better of it. 

This was not the England which Reginald Pole 

had told them was longing for their appearance. 

The Scheldt force dispersed. Henry read Scotland 

a needed lesson. The Scots had thought to take 

him at disadvantage, and sit on his back when 

the Emperor attacked him. One morning when 

the people at Leith woke out of their sleep, they 

found an English fleet in the Roads ; and before 

they had time to look about them, Leith was on 

c 



i8 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

fire and Edinburgh was taken. Charles V., if he 
had ever seriously thought of invading Henry, 
returned to wiser counsels, and made an alliance 
with him instead. The Pope turned to France. 
If the Emperor forsook him, the Most Christian 
King would help. He promised Francis that if he 
could Avin England he might keej) it for himself. 
Francis resolved to try what he could do. 

Five years had passed since the gathering 
at Sandwich. It was now the summer of 1 544. 
The records say that the French collected at 
Havre near 300 vessels, fighting ships, galleys, 
and transports. Doubtless the numbers are far 
exaggerated, but at any rate it was the largest 
force ever yet got together to invade England, 
capable, if well handled, of bringing Hemy to his 
knees. The plan was to seize and occupy the Isle 
of Wight, destroy the English fleet, then take 
Portsmouth and Southampton, and so advance 
on London. 

Hemy's attention to his navy had not slackened. 
He had built ship on ship. Tlie Great Harry was 
a thousand tons, carried 700 men, and was the 
wonder of the day. There were a dozen others 



I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORlMATION 19 

scarcely less imposing. The King called again on 
the nation, and again the nation answered. In 
England altogether there were 150,000 men in 
arms in field or garrison. In the King's fleet at 
Portsmouth there were 12,000 seamen, and the 
privateers of the West crowded up eagerly as 
before. It is strange, with the notions which 
we have allowed ourselves to form of Henry, to 
observe the enthusiasm with which the Avhole 
country, as yet undivided by doctrinal quarrels, 
rallied a second time to defend him. 

In this Portsmouth fleet lay undeveloped the 
genius of the future naval greatness of England. 
A small fact connected with it is worth recording. 
The watchword on board was, ' God save the 
King ' ; the answer was, ' Long to i-eign over us ' : 
the earliest germ discoverable of the English 
National Anthem. 

The King had come himself to Portsmouth 
to witness the expected attack. The fleet was 
commanded by Lord Lisle, afterwards Duke of 
Northumberland. It was the middle of July. 
The French crossed from Havre unfought with, 
and anchored in St. Helens Eoads off Brading 



20 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

Harbour. The English, being greatly inferior in 
numbers, lay waiting for them inside the Spit. 
The morning after the French came in was still 
and sultry. The English could not move for 
want of wind. The galleys crossed over and 
engaged them for two or three hours with some 
advantage. The breeze rose at noon ; a few fast 
sloops got under way and easily drove them back. 
But the same breeze which enabled the English 
to move brought a serious calamity with it. The 
Mary Rose, one of Lisle's finest vessels, had been 
under the fire of the galleys. Her ports had 
been left open, and when the wind sprang u]3, she 
heeled over, filled, and went down, carrying two 
hundred men along with her. The French saw 
her sink, and thought their own guns had done 
it. They hoped to follow up their success. At 
night they sent over boats to take soundings, and 
discover the way into the harbour. The boats 
reported that the sandbanks made the approach 
impossible. The French had no clear plan of 
action. They tried a landing in the island, but 
the force was too small, and failed. They weighed 
anchor and brought u]) again behind Selsea Bill, 



I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION 21 

whore Lisle proposed to run them down in tlic 
dark, taking advantage of the tide. But they 
had an enemy to deal with woi'se than Lisle, on 
board their own ships, which explained their dis- 
tracted movements. Hot weather, putrid meat, 
and putrid water had prostrated whole ships' 
companies with dysentery. After a three weeks' 
ineffectual cruise they had to hasten back to 
Havre, break up, and disperse. The first great 
armament which was to have recovered England 
to the Papacy had effected nothing. Hemy had 
once more shown his strength, and was left 
undisputed master of the narrow seas. 

So matters stood for what remained of Henry's 
reign. As far as he had gone, he had quarrelled 
with the Pope, and had brought the Church under 
the law. So far the country generally had gone 
with him, and there had been no violent changes 
in the administration of religion. When Henry 
died the Protector abolished the old creed, and 
created a new and perilous cleavage between 
Protestant and Catholic, and, while England 
needed the protection of a navy more than ever, 
allowed the fine fleet which Henry had left to fall 



22 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lf.ct. 

into decay. The spirit of enterprise grew with 
the Reformation. Mcrcliant companies opened 
trade with Russia and the Levant; adventurous 
sea captains went to Guinea for gold. Sir Hugh 
Willoughby followed the phantom of the North- 
west Passage, turning eastward round the North 
Cape to look for it, and perished in the ice. 
English commerce was beginning to groAv in spite 
of the Protector's experiments ; but a new and 
infinitely dangerous element had been introduced 
by the change of religion into the relations of 
English sailors with the Catholic Powers, and 
especially with Spain. In their zeal to kee]3 out 
heresy, the SiDanish Government placed their 
harbours under the control of the Holy Office. 
Any vessel in Avhich an heretical book was found 
was confiscated, and her crew carried to the 
Inquisition prisons. It had begun in Henry's 
time. The Inquisitors attempted to treat schism 
as heresy and arrest Englishmen in their j)orts. 
But Henry spoke up stoutly to Charles V., and 
the Holy Office had been made to hold its hand. 
All was altered now. It was not necessary that 
a poor sailor should have been found teaching 



I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION 23 
licrcsy. It was enough if ho had an Enghsli 
Bible and Prayer Book with him in his idt ; and 
stories would come into Dartmouth or Plymouth 
how some lad that everybody knew — Bill or Jack 
or Tom, who had Avife or father or mother amono- 
them, perhaps — had been seized hold of for no 
other crime, been flung into a dungeon, tortured, 
starved, set to Avork in the galleys, or burned in 
a fool's coat, as they called it, at an cmto da fe at 
iSeville. 

The object of the Inquisition was partly poli- 
tical : it was meant to embarrass trade and make 
the people impatient of changes which produced 
so much inconvenience. The effect was exactly 
the opposite. Such accounts when brought home 
created fury. There grew uj) in the seagoing- 
population an enthusiasm of hatred for that holy 
institution, and a ]3assionate desire for revenge. 

The natural remed}^ would have been Avar ; 
but the division of nations Avas crossed by the 
division of creeds ; and each nation had allies in 
the heart of every other. If England Avent to 
Avar Avith Spain, Spain could encourage insurrec- 
tion among the Catholics. If Spain or France 



24 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

declared war against England, England could help 
the Huguenots or the Holland Calvinists. All 
Governments were afraid alike of a general war 
of religion which might shake Europe in pieces. 
Thus individuals were left to their natural im- 
pulses. The Holy Office burnt English or French 
Protestants wherever it could catch them. The 
Protestants revenged their injuries at their own 
risk and in their own way, and thus from Edward 
VI. 's time to the end of the century privateering 
came to be the special occupation of adventurous 
honourable gentlemen, who could serve God, their 
country, and themselves in fighting Catholics. 
Fleets of these dangerous vessels swept the 
Channel, Ij^g in wait at Scilly, or even at the 
Azores — disowned in public by their own Govern- 
ments while secretly countenanced, making war 
on their own account on what they called the 
enemies of God. In such a business, of course, 
there were many mere pirates engaged who cared 
neither for God nor man. But it was the 
Protestants who were specially impelled into it 
by the cruelties of the Inquisition. The Holy 
Office began the work mth the cmtos da fe. The 



I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION 25 

privateers robbed, burnt, and scuttled Catholic 
ships in retaliation. One tierce deed produced 
another, till right and wrong were obscured in 
the passion of religious hatred. Vivid pictures 
of these wild doings survive in the English and 
Spanish State Papers. Ireland was the rovers' 
favourite haunt. In the universal anarchy there, 
a little more or a little less did not signify. 
Notorious pirate captains were to be met in Cork 
or Kinsale, collecting stores, casting cannon, or 
selling their prizes — men of all sorts, from 
fanatical saints to undisguised ruffians. Here is 
one incident out of many to show the heights to 
which temper had risen. 

' Long peace,' says someone, addressing the 
Privy Council early in Elizabeth's time, ' becomes 
by force of the Spanish Inquisition more hurtful 
than open war. It is the secret, determined 
policy of Spain to destroy the English fleet, 
pilots, masters and sailors, by means of the 
Inquisition. The Spanish King pretends he 
dares not offend the Holy House, while we in 
England say we may not proclaim war against 
Spain in revenge of a few. Not long since the 



26 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

Spanish Inquisition executed sixty persons of St. 
Malo, notwitlistandiug entreaty to the King of 
Spain to spare them. Whereupon the Frenchmen 
armed their pimiaces, lay for the Spaniards, took 
a hundred and beheaded them, sending the 
Spanish ships to the shore Avith their heads, 
leaving in each ship but one man to render the 
cause of the revenge. Since which time Sj)anish 
Inquisitors have never meddled Avith those of St. 
Malo.' 

A colony of Huguenot refugees had settled 
on the coast of Florida. The Spaniards heard of 
it, came from St. Domingo, burnt the town, and 
hanged every man, Avoman, and child, leaving an 
inscription explaining that the poor creatures had 
been killed, not as Frenchmen, but as heretics. 
Domenique de Gourges, of Eochelle, heard of 
this fine exploit of fanaticism, equipped a ship, 
and sailed across. He caught the Spanish garrison 
which had been left in occupation and swung 
them on the same trees — with a second scroll 
saying that they were dangling there, not as 
Spaniards, but as murderers. 

The genius of adventure tempted men of 



I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION 27 

highest birth into the rovers' ranks. Sir Thomas 
Seymour, tlie Protector's brother and the King's 
uncle, was Lord High Admiral. In his time (jf 
office, complaints were made by foreign merchants 
of ships and property seized at the Thames 
mouth. No redress could be had ; no restitution 
made ; no pirate was even punished, and Sey- 
mour's personal followers were seen suspiciously 
decorated with Spanish ornaments. It appeared 
at last that Seymour had himself bought the 
Scilly Isles, and if he could not have his way at 
Court, it was said that he meant to set up there 
as a pirate chief. 

The persecution under Mary brought in more 
resjDectable recruits than Seymour. The younger 
generation of the western families had grown 
with the times. If they were not theologically 
Protestant, they detested tyranny. They detested 
the marriage with Philip, which threatened the 
independence of England. At home they were 
powerless, but the sons of honourable houses — 
Strangways, Tremaynes, Staffords, Horseys, 
Carews, Killegrews, and Cobhams — dashed out 
upon the water to revenge the Smithfield mas- 



28 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

sacres. They found help where it could least 
have been looked for. Henry II. of France hated 
heresy, but he hated Spain worse. Sooner than 
see England absorbed in the Spanish monarchy, 
he forgot his bigotry in his politics. He fur- 
nished these young mutineers with ships and 
money and letters of marque. The Huguenots 
were their natural friends. With Rochelle 
for an arsenal, they held the mouth of the 
Channel, and harassed the communications be- 
tween Cadiz and Antwerp. It was a wild busi- 
ness : enterprise and buccaneering sanctified by 
religion and hatred of cruelty ; but it was a 
school like no other for seamanship, and a school 
for the building of vessels which could outsail 
all others on the sea ; a school, too, for the train- 
ing up of hardy men, in whose blood ran detest- 
ation of the Inquisition and the Inquisition's 
master. Every other trade was swallowed up 
or coloured by privateering; the merchantmen 
went armed, ready for any work that offered ; 
the Iceland fleet went no more in search of cod ; 
the Channel boatmen forsook nets and lines and 
took to livelier occupations ; Mary was too busy 



I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION 29 

burning heretics to look to the police of the seas ; 
her father's fine ships rotted in harbour; her 
father's coast-forts were deserted or dismantled ; 
she lost Calais ; she lost the hearts of her people 
in forcing them into orthodoxy ; she left the seas 
to the privateers ; and no trade flourished, save 
what the Catholic Powers called piracy. 

When Elizabeth came to the throne, the whole 
merchant navy of England engaged in lawful 
commerce amounted to no more than 50,000 tons. 
You may see more now passing every day through 
the Gull Stream. In the service of the Crown 
there were but seven revenue cruisers in commis- 
sion, the largest 120 tons, with eight merchant 
brigs altered for fighting. In harbour there were 
still a score of large ships, but they were dis- 
mantled and rotting ; of ai'tiilery fit for sea work 
there was none. The men were not to be had, 
and, as Sir William Cecil said, to fit out ships 
without men was to set armour on stakes on the 
sea-shore. The mariners of England were other- 
wise engaged, and in a way which did not please 
Cecil. He was the ablest minister that Elizabeth 
had. He saw at once that on the navy the 



30 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

prosi^erity and even the liberty of England must 
eventually depend. If England were to remain 
Protestant, it was not by articles of religion or 
acts of uniformity that she could be saved without 
a fleet at the back of them. But he was old- 
fashioned. He believed in law and order, and he 
has left a curious paper of reflections on the 
situation. The ships' companies in Henry VIII.'s 
days were recruited from the fishing-smacks, but 
the Reformation itself had destroj^ed the fishing 
trade. In old times, Cecil said, no flesh was 
eaten on fish days. The King himself could 
not have license. Now to eat beef or mutton on 
fish days was the test of a true believer. The 
English Iceland fishery used to su23ply Normandy 
and Brittany as well as England. Now it had 
passed to the French. The Chester men used to 
fish the Irish seas. Now they had left them to 
the Scots. The fishermen had taken to privateer- 
ing because the fasts of the Church were neglected. 
He saw it was so. He recorded his own opinion 
that piracy, as he called it, was detcstaUe, and 
could not last. He was to find that it could last, 
that it was to form the special discipline of the 



I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION 31 

generation whose business would be to fight the 
Spaniards. But he struggled hard against the 
unwelcome conclusion. He tried to revive lawful 
trade by a Navigation Act. He tried to restore 
the fisheries by Act of Parliament. He introduced 
a Bill recommending godly abstinence as a means 
to virtue, making the eating of meat on Fridays 
and Saturdays a misdemeanour, and adding 
Wednesday as a half fish-day. The House of 
Commons laughed at him as brmging back Popish 
mummeries. To please the Protestants he inserted 
a clause, that the statute was politicly meant for 
the increase of fishermen and mariners, not for 
any superstition in the choice of meats; but it 
was no use. The Act was called in mockery 
' Cecil's Fast,' and the recovery of the fisheries 
had to wait till the natural inclination of human 
stomachs for fresh whiting and salt cod should 
revive of itself. 

Events had to take their course. Seamen 
were duly provided in other ways, and such as 
tlie time required. Privatcermg suited Elizabeth's 
convenience, and suited her disposition. She liked 
daring- and adventure. She liked men who would 



32 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

do her work without being paid for it, men whom 
she could disown when expedient ; who would 
understand her, and would not resent it. She 
knew her turn was to come when Philip had 
leisure to deal with her, if she could not secure 
herself meanwhile. Time was wanted to restore 
the navy. The privateers were a resource in the 
interval. They might be called pirates while 
there was formal peace. The name did not 
signify. They were really the armed force of the 
country. After the war broke out in the Nether- 
lands, they had commissions from the Prince of 
Orange. Such commissions would not save them 
if taken by Spain, but it enabled them to sell 
their prizes, and for the rest they trusted to their 
speed and their guns. When Elizabeth was at 
war with France about Havre, she took the most 
note 1 of them into the service of the Crown. Ned 
Horsey became Sir Edward and Governor of the 
Isle of Wight ; Strangways, a Red Rover in his 
way, who had been the terror of the Spaniards, 
was killed before Rouen ; Tremayne fell at Havre, 
mourned over by Elizabeth ; and Cliampernowne, 
one of the most gallant of the whole of them, 



I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION 33 

was killed afterwards at Coligny's side at Mon- 
contour. 

But others took their places : the wild hawks 
as thick as seagulls flashing over the waves, fair 
wind or foul, laughing at pursuit, brave, reckless, 
devoted, the crews the strangest medley : English 
from the Devonshire and Cornish creeks. Hugue- 
nots from Kochelle ; Irish kernes Avith long 
skenes, ' desperate, unruly persons with no kind 
of mercy.' 

The Holy Office meanwhile went on in cold, 
savage resolution : the Holy Office which had 
begun the business and was the cause of it. 

A note in Cecil's hand says that in the one 
year 1562 twenty-six English subjects had been 
burnt at the stake in different parts of Spain. 
Ten times as many were starving in Spanish 
dungeons, from which occasionally, by happy 
accident, a cry could be heard like this which 
follows. In 1 561 an English merchant writes 
from the Canaries : 

' I was taken by those of the Inquisition 
twenty months past, put into a little dark house 
two paces long, loaded with irons, without sight 



'34 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. i. 

of sun or moon all that time. When I was 
arraigned I was charged that I should say our 
mass was as good as theirs ; that I said I would 
rather give money to the poor than buy Bulls of 
Rome with it. I was charged with being a subject 
to the Queen's grace, who, they said, was enemy 
to the Faith, Antichrist, with other opprobrious 
names ; and I stood to the defence of the Queen's 
Majesty, proving the infamies most untrue. Then 
I was put into Little Ease again, protestiiig very 
innocent blood to be demanded against the judge 
before Christ.' 

The innocent blood of these poor victims had 
not to wait to be avenged at the Judgment Day. 
The account was presented shortly and promptly 
at the cannon's mouth. 



LECTURE II 

JOHN HAWKINS AND THE AFEICAN SLAVE TRADE 

T BEGIN this lecture with a petition addressed 
to Queen Elizabeth. Thomas Seely, a mer- 
chant of Bristol, hearing a Spaniard in a Spanish 
port utter foul and slanderous charges against the 
Queen's character, knocked him down. To knock 
a man down for telling lies about Elizabeth might 
be a breach of the peace, but it had not yet been 
declared heresy. The Holy Office, however, seized 
Seely, threw him into a dungeon, and kept him 
starving there for three years, at the end of which 
he contrived to make his condition known in 
England. The Queen wrote herself to Philip to 
protest. Philip would not interfere. Seely re- 
mained in prison and in irons, and the result was 
a petition from his wife, in which the temper 
which was rising can be read as in letters of fire. 



36 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

Dorothy Seely demands that ' the friends of her 
Majesty's subjects so imprisoned and tormented 
in Spain may make out ships at their proper 
charges, take such Inquisitors or other Papistical 
subjects of the King of Spain as they can by sea 
or land, and retain them in prison with such tor- 
ments and diet as her Majesty's subjects be kept 
with in Spain, and on complaint made by the 
King to give such answer as is now made when 
her Majesty sues for subjects imprisoned by the 
Inquisition. Or that a Commission be granted 
to the Archbishop of Canterbury and the other 
bishops word for word for foreign Papists as the 
Inquisitors have in Spain for the Protestants. So 
that all may know that her Majesty cannot and 
will not longer endure the spoils and torments of 
her subjects, and the Spaniards shall not think 
this noble realm dares not seek revenge of such 
importable wrongs.' 

Elizabeth issued no such Commission as 
Dorothy Seely asked for, but she did leave her 
subjects to seek their revenge in their own way, 
and they sought it sometimes too rashly. 

In the summer of 1563 eight English mer- 



2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 37 

chantmen anchored in the roads of Gibraltar. 
England and France were then at war. A French 
brig came in after them, and brought up near. 
At sea, if they could take her, she would have 
been a lawful prize. Spaniards under similar 
circumstances had not respected the neutrality 
of English harbours. The Englishmen were 
perhaps in doubt what to do, when the officers 
of the Holy Office came off to the French ship. 
The sight of the black familiars drove the English 
wild. Three of them made a dash at the French 
ship, intending to sink her. The Inquisitors 
sprang into their boat, and rowed for their lives. 
The castle guns opened, and the harbour police 
put out to interfere. The French ship, however, 
would have been taken, when unluckily Alvarez 
de Ba^an, with a Spanish squadron, came round 
into the Straits. Eesistance was impossible. The 
eight English ships were captured and carried off 
to Cadiz. The English flag was trailed under De 
Baqan's stern. The crews, two hundred and forty 
men in all, were promptly condemned to the 
galleys. In defence they could but say that the 
Frenchman was an enemy, and a moderate punish- 



38 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

ment would have sufSficed for a violation of the 
harbour rules which the Spaniards themselves so 
little regarded. But the Inquisition was inexor- 
able, and the men were treated with such peculiar 
brutality that after nine months ninety only of 
the two hundred and forty were alive. 

Ferocity was answered by ferocity. Listen to 
this ! The Cobhams of Cowling Castle were 
Protestants by descent. Lord Cobham was famous 
in the Lollard martyrology. Thomas Cobham, 
one of the family, had taken to the sea like many 
of his friends. While cruising in the Channel 
he caught sight of a Spaniard on the wa}^ from 
Antwerp to Cadiz with forty prisoners on board, 
consigned, it might be supposed, to the Inquisition. 
They were, of course, Inquisition prisoners; for 
other offenders would have been dealt with on 
the spot. Cobham chased her down into the Bay 
of Biscay, took her, scuttled her, and rescued the 
captives. But that was not enough. The captain 
and crew he sewed up in their own mainsail and 
flung them overboard. They were washed ashore 
dead, wrapped in their extraordmary winding- 
sheet. Cobham was called to account for this 



2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 39' 

exploit, but he does not seem to have been actu- 
ally punished. In a very short time he was out, 
and away again at the old work. There were 
plenty with him. After the business at Gibraltar,; 
Philip's subjects were not safe in English harbours. 
Jacques le Clerc, a noted privateer, called Pie de 
Palo from his wooden leg, chased a Spaniard into 
Falmouth, and was allowed to take her under the 
guns of Pendennis. The Governor of the castle 
said that he could not interfere, because Le Clerc 
had a commission from the Prince of Conde. It 
was proved that in the summer of 1563 there 
were 400 English and Huguenot rovers in and 
about the Channel, and that they had taken 700 
prizes between them. The Queen's own ships 
followed suit. Captain Cotton in the Fhoenix 
captured an Antwerp merchantman in Flushing. 
The harbour-master protested. Cotton laughed, 
and sailed away with his prize. The Regent 
Margaret wrote in indignation to Elizabeth. Such 
insolence, she said, was not to be endured. She 
would have Captain Cotton chastised as an ex- 
ample to all others. Elizabeth measured the 
situation more correctly than the Regent ; she 



40 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

preferred to show Philip that she was not afraid 
of him. She preferred to let her subjects dis- 
cover for themselves that the terrible Spaniard 
before whom the world trembled was but a 
colossus stuffed with clouts. Until Philip con- 
sented to tie the hands of the Holy Office she did 
not mean to prevent them from taking the law 
into their own hands. 

Now and then, if occasion required, Elizabeth 
herself would do a little privateering on her own 
account. In the next story that I have to tell 
she appears as a principal, and her great minister, 
Cecil, as an accomplice. The Duke of Alva had 
succeeded Margaret as Regent of the Netherlands, 
and was drowning heresy in its own blood. The 
Prince of Orange was making a noble fight ; but 
all went ill with him. His troops were defeated, his 
brother Louis was killed. He was still struggling, 
helped by Elizabeth's money. But the odds 
were terrible, and the only hope lay in the dis- 
content of Alva's soldiers, who had not been paid 
their wages, and would not fight without them. 
Philip's finances were not flourishing, but he had 
borrowed half a million ducats from a house at 



2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 41 

Genoa for Alva's use. The money was to be 
delivered in bullion at Antwerp. The Channel 
privateers heard that it was coming and were on 
the look-out for it. The vessel in which it was 
sent took refuge in Plymouth, but found she had 
run into the enemy's nest. Nineteen or twenty 
Huguenot and English cruisers lay round her 
with commissions from Conde to take every 
Catholic ship they met with. Elizabeth's special 
friends thought and said freely that so rich a 
prize ought to fall to no one but her Majesty. 
Elizabeth thought the same, but for a more 
honourable reason. It was of the highest con- 
sequence that the money should not reach the 
Duke of Alva at that moment. Even Cecil said 
so, and sent the Prince of Orange word that it 
would be stopped in some way. 

But how could it decently be done ? Bishop 
Jewel relieved the Queen's mind (if it was ever 
disturbed) on the moral side of the question. The 
bishop held that it would be meritorious in a 
high degree to intercept a treasure which was to 
be used in the murder of Protestant Christians. 
But the how was the problem. To let the 



42 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

privateers take it openly in Pljmouth harbour 
would, it was felt, be a scandal. Sir Arthur 
Champernowne, the Vice-admiral of the West, 
saw the difficulty and offered his services. He 
had three vessels of his own in Conde's privateer 
fleet, under his son Henry. As vice-admiral he 
was first in command at Plymouth. He placed 
a guard on board the treasure ship, telling the 
captain it would be a discredit to the Queen's 
Government if harm befell her in English waters. 
He then wrote to Cecil. 

' If,' he said, ' it shall seem good to your 
honour that I with others shall give the attempt 
for her Majesty's use which cannot be without 
blood, I will not only take it in hand, but also 
receive the blame thereof unto myself, to the end 
so great a commodity should redound to her 
Grace, hoping that, after bitter storms of her dis- 
pleasure, showed at the first to colour the fact, I 
shall find the calm of her favour in such sort as 
I am most willing to hazard myself to serve her 
Majesty. Great pity it were such a rich booty 
should escape her Grace. But surely I am of that 
mind that anything taken from that wicked nation 



2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 43 

is both necessary and profitable to our common- 
wealth.' 

Very shocking on Sir Arthur's part to write 
such a letter : so many good people will think. I 
hojoe they will consider it equally shocking that 
King Philip should have burned English sailors 
at the stake because they were loyal to the laws 
of their own country ; that he was stirring war all 
over Europe to please the Pope^ and thrusting the 
doctrines of the Council of Trent down the throats 
of mankind at the sword's point. Spain and 
England might be at peace ; Romanism and Pro- 
testantism were at deadly war, and war suspends 
the obligations of ordinary life. Crimes the most 
horrible were held to be virtues in defence of the 
Catholic faith. The Catholics could not have the 
advantage of such indulgences without the in- 
conveniences. The Protestant cause throughout 
Europe was one, and assailed as the Protestants 
were with such envenomed ferocity, they could 
not afford to be nicely scrupulous in the means 
they used to defend themselves. 

Sir Ai'thur Champernowne was not called on 
to sacrifice himself in such peculiar fashion, and a 



44 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

better expedient was found to secure Alva's money. 
The bullion was landed and was brought to Lon- 
don by road on the plea that the seas were unsafe. 
It was carried to the Tower, and when it was once 
inside the walls it was found to remain the property 
of the Genoese until it was delivered at Antwerp. 
The Genoese agent in London was as willing to 
lend it to Elizabeth as to Philip, and indeed pre- 
ferred the security. Elizabeth calmly said that 
she had herself occasion for money, and would 
accept their offer. Half of it was sent to the 
Priace of Orange ; half was spent on the Queen's 
navy. 

Alva was of course violently angry. He arrested 
every English ship in the Low Countries. He 
arrested every Englishman that he could catch, 
and sequestered all English property. Elizabeth 
retaliated in kind. The Spanish and Flemish 
property taken in England proved to be worth 
double what had been secured by Alva. Philip 
could not declare war. The Netherlands insurrec- 
tion was straining his resources, and with Elizabeth 
for an open enemy the whole weight of England 
would have been thrown on the side of the Prince 



2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 45 

of Orange. Elizabeth herself should have declared 
war, people say, instead of condescending to 
such tricks. Perhaps so; but also perhaps not. 
These insults, steadily maintained and unresented, 
shook the faith of mankind, and especially of her 
own sailors, in the invincibility of the Spanish 
colossus. 

I am now to turn to another side of the 
subject. The stories which I have told you 
show the tem|)er of the time, and the atmo- 
sphere which men were breathing, but it will 
be instructive to look more closely at individual 
persons, and I will take first John Hawkins 
(afterwards Sir John), a peculiarly characteristic 
figure. 

The Hawkinses of Plymouth were a solid 
middle-class Devonshire family, who for two 
generations had taken a leading part in the 
business of the town. They still survive in the 
county — Achins we used to call them before 
school pronunciation came in, and so Philip wrote 
the name when the famous John began to trouble 
his dreams. I have already spoken of old William 
Hawkins, John's father, whom Henry VHI. was 



46 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

SO fond of, and who brought over the Brazilian 
King. Old William had now retired and had left 
his place and his work to his son. John Hawkins 
may have been about thirty at Elizabeth's acces- 
sion. He had witnessed the wild times of Edward 
VI. and Mary, but, though many of his friends 
had taken to the privateering business, Hawkins 
appears to have kept clear of it, and continued 
steadily at trade. One of these friends, and his 
contemporary, and in fact his near relation, was 
Thomas Stukely, afterwards so notorious — and a 
word may be said of Stukely's career as a contrast 
to that of Hawkins. He was a younger son of 
a leading county family, went to London to seek 
his fortune, and became a hanger-on of Sir 
Thomas Sejanour. Doubtless he was connected 
with Seymour's pirating scheme at Scilly, and 
took to pirating as an occupation like other 
Western gentlemen. When Elizabeth became 
Queen, he introduced himself at Court and 
amused her with his conceit. He meant to be 
a king, nothing less than a king. He would go 
to Florida, found an empire there, and write to 
the Queen as his dearest sister. She gave him 



2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 47 

leave to try. He bought a vessel of 400 tons, got 
100 tall soldiers to join him besides the crew, and 
sailed from Plymouth in 1563. Once out of 
harbour, he announced that the sea was to be his 
Florida. He went back to the pirate business, 
robbed freely, haunted Irish creeks, and set up 
an intimacy with the Ulster hero, Shan O'Neil. 
Shan and Stukely became bosom friends. Shan 
"wrote to Elizabeth to recommend that she should 
make over Ireland to Stukely and himself to 
manage, and promised, if she agreed, to make it 
such an Ireland as had never been seen, which 
they probably would. Elizabeth not consenting, 
Stukely turned Papist, transferred his services to 
the Pope and Philip, and was preparing a cam- 
paign in Ireland under the Pope's direction, 
when he was tempted to join Sebastian of 
Portugal in the African expedition, and there 
got himself killed. 

Stukely was a specimen of the foolish sort of 
the young Devonshire men ; Hawkins was exactly 
his opposite. He stuck to business, avoided 
politics, traded with Spanish ports without offend- 
ing the Holy Office, and formed intimacies and 



48 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

connections with the Canary Islands especially, 
where it was said ' he grew much in love and 
favour with the people.' 

At the Canaries he naturally heard much 
about the West Indies. He was adventurous. 
His Canaries friends told him that negroes were 
great merchandise in the Spanish settlements in 
Espanola, and he himself was intimately acquainted 
with the Guinea coast, and knew how easily such 
a cargo could be obtained. 

We know to what the slave trade grew. We 
have all learnt to repent of the share which Eng- 
land had in it, and to abhor everyone whose 
hands were stained by contact with so accursed 
a business. All that may be taken for granted ; 
but we must look at the matter as it would have 
been represented at the Canaries to Hawkins 
himself 

The Carib races whom the Spaniards found in 
Cuba and St. Domingo had withered before them 
as if struck by a blight. Many died under the 
lash of the Spanish overseers ; many, perhaps the 
most, from the mysterious causes which have 
made the presence of civilisation so fatal to the 



2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 49 

Red Indian, the Australian, and the Maori. It is 
■with men as it is with animals. The races which 
consent to be domesticated prosper and multiply. 
Those which cannot live without freedom pine 
like caged eagles or disappear like the buffaloes 
of the prairies. 

Anyway, the natives perished out of the 
islands of the Caribbean Sea with a rapidity 
which startled the conquerors. The famous 
Bishop Las Casas pitied and tried to save the 
remnant that were left. The Spanish settlers 
required labourers for the plantations. On the 
continent of Africa were another race, savage in 
their natural state, which would domesticate like 
sheep and oxen, and learnt and improved in 
the white man's company. The negro never 
rose of himself out of barbarism ; as his fathers 
were, so he remained from age to age ; when 
left free, as in Liberia and in Hayti, he reverts 
to his original barbarism ; while in subjection to 
the white man he showed then, and he has shown 
since, high capacities of intellect and character. 
Such is, such was the fact. It struck Las Casas 
that if negroes could be introduced into the West 

E 



so ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

Indian islands, the Indians might be left alone ; 
the negroes themselves would have a chance to 
rise out of their wretchedness, could be made into 
Christians, and could be saved at worst from the 
horrid fate which awaited many of them in their 
own country. 

The black races varied like other animals : 
some were gentle and timid, some were ferocious 
as wolves. The strong tyrannised over the weak, 
made slaves of their prisoners, occasionally ate 
them, and those they did not eat they sacrificed 
at what they called their customs — offered them 
up and cut their throats at the altars of their 
idols. These customs were the most sacred tradi- 
tions of the negro race. They were suspended 
while the slave trade gave the prisoners a value. 
They revived when the slave trade was abolished. 
When Lord Wolseley a few years back entered 
Ashantee, the altars were coated thick with the 
blood of hundreds of miserable beings who had 
been freshly slaughtered there. Still later similar 
horrid scenes were reported from Dahomey. Sir 
Richard Burton, who was an old acquaintance 
of mine, spent two months with the King of 



2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 51 

Dahomey, and dilated to me on the benevolence 
and enlightenment of that excellent monarch, I 

o 

asked why, if the King was so benevolent, he did 
not alter the customs. Burton looked at me with 
consternation, ' Alter the customs ! ' he said, 
' Would you have the Archbishop of Canterbury 
alter the Liturgy ? ' Las Casas and those who 
thought as he did are not to be charged with 
infamous inhumanity if they proposed to buy 
these poor creatures from their captors, save 
them from Mumbo Jumbo, and carry them to 
countries where they would be valuable property, 
and be at least as well cared for as the mules 
and horses. 

The experiment was tried and seemed to 
succeed. The negroes who were rescued from 
the customs and were carried to the Spanish 
islands proved docile and useful. Portuguese and 
Spanish factories were established on the coast 
of Guinea. The black chiefs were glad to make 
money out of their wretched victims, and readily 
sold them. The transport over the Atlantic 
became a regular branch of business. Strict 
laws were made for the good treatment of the 



52 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

slaves on the plantations. The trade was carried 
on under license from the Government, and an 
import duty of thirty ducats per head was charged 
on every negro that was landed. I call it an 
experiment. The full consequences could not be 
foreseen, and I cannot see that as an experiment 
it merits the censures which in its later develop- 
ments it eventually came to deserve. Las Casas, 
who approved of it, was one of the most excellent 
of men. Our own Bishop Butler could give no 
decided opinion against negro slavery as it existed 
in his time. It is absurd to say that ordinary 
merchants and ship captains ought to have seen 
the infamy of a practice which Las Casas advised 
and Butler could not condemn. The Spanish and 
Portuguese Governments claimed, as I said, the 
control of the traffic. The Spanish settlers in 
the West Indies objected to a restriction which 
raised the price and shortened the supply. They 
considered that having established themselves in 
a new country they had a right to a voice in the 
conditions of their occupancy. It was thus that 
the Spaniards in the Canaries represented the 
matter to John Hawkins. They told him that if 



2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 53 

he liked to make the venture Avith a contraband, 
cargo from Guinea, their countrymen would give 
him an enthusiastic welcome. It is evident from 
the story that neither he nor they expected that 
serious offence would be taken at Madrid. Haw- 
kins at this time was entirely friendly with the 
Spaniards. It was enough if he could be assured 
that the colonists would be glad to deal with him. 
I am not crediting him with the benevolent 
purposes of Las Casas. I do not suppose Hawkins 
thought much of saving black men's souls. He 
saw only an opportunity of extending his business 
among a people with whom he was already largely 
connected. The traffic was established. It had 
the sanction of the Church, and no objection 
had been raised to it anywhere on the score of 
morality. The only question which could have 
presented itself to Hawkins was of the right of 
the Spanish Government to prevent foreigners 
from getting a share of a lucrative trade against 
the wishes of its subjects. And his friends at 
the Canaries certainly did not lead him to expect 
any real opposition. One regrets that a famous 
Englishman should have been connected with the 



54 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

slave trade ; but we have no right to heap violent 
censures upon him because he was no more 
enlightened than the wisest of his contemporaries. 
Thus, encouraged from Santa Cruz, Hawkins 
on his return to England formed an African 
company out of the leading citizens of London. 
Three vessels were fitted out, Hawkins being 
commander and part owner. The size of them 
is remarkable : the Solomon, as the largest was 
called, 120 tons; the StoaUoiv, lOO tons; the 
Jonas not above 40 tons. This represents them 
as inconceivably small. They carried between 
them a hundred men, and ample room had to be 
provided besides for the blacks. There may have 
been a difference in the measurement of tonnage. 
We ourselves have five standards : builder's 
measurement, yacht measurement, displacement, 
sail area, and register measurement. Eegistered 
tonnage is far under the others : a yacht registered 
1 20 tons would be called 200 in a shipping list. 
However that be, the brigantines and sloops 
used by the Elizabethans on all adventurous 
expeditions were mere boats compared with what 
we should use now on such occasions. The reason 



2,] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 55 

was obvious. Success depended on speed and 
sailing power. The art of building big square- 
rigged ships which would work to windward had 
not been yet discovered, even by Mr. Fletcher of 
Rye. The fore-and-aft rig alone would enable a 
vessel to tack, as it is called, and this could only 
be used with craft of moderate tonnage. 

The expedition sailed in October 1562. They 
called at the Canaries, where they were warmly 
entertained. They went on to Sierra Leone, 
where they collected 300 negroes. They avoided 
the Government factories, and picked them up as 
they could, some by force, some by negotiation 
with local chiefs, who were as ready to sell their 
subjects as Sancho Panza intended to be when 
he got his island. They crossed without misad- 
venture to St. Domingo, where Hawkins repre- 
sented that he was on a voyage of discovery; 
that he had been driven out of his course and 
wanted food and money. He said he had certain 
slaves with him, which he asked permission to 
sell. What he had heard at the Canaries turned 
out to be exactly true. So far as the Governor of 
St. Domingo knew, Spain and England were at 



$6 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

peace. Privateers had not troubled the peace of 
the Caribbean Sea, or dangerous heretics menaced 
the Catholic faith there. Inquisitors might have 
been suspicious, but the Inquisition had not yet 
been established beyond the Atlantic. The Queen 
of England was his sovereign's sister-in-law, and 
the Governor saw no reason why he should con- 
strue his general instructions too literally. The 
planters were eager to buy, and he did not wish 
to be unpopular. He allowed Hawkins to sell 
two out of his three hundred negroes, leaving the 
remaining hundred as a deposit should question 
be raised about the duty. Evidently the only 
doubt in the Governor's mind was whether the 
Madrid authorities would charge foreign importers 
on a higher scale. The question was new. No 
stranger had as yet attempted to trade there. 

Everyone was satisfied, except the negroes, 
who were not asked their opinion. The profits 
were enormous. A ship in the harbour was 
about to sail for Cadiz. Hawkins invested most 
of what he had made in a cargo of hides, for 
which, as he understood, there was a demand in 
Spain, and he sent them over in her in charge of 



2.] HA WKINS AND THE SLA VE TRADE 57 

one of his partners. The Governor gave him a 
testimonial for good conduct during his stay in 
the port, and with this and with his three vessels 
he returned leisurely to England, having, as he 
imagined, been splendidly successful. 

He was to be unpleasantly undeceived. A few 
days after he had arrived at Plymouth, he met 
the man whom he had sent to Cadiz with the 
hides forlorn and empty-handed. The Inquisition, 
he said, had seized the cargo and confiscated it. 
An order had been sent to St. Domingo to forfeit 
the reserved slaves. He himself had escaped for 
his life, as the familiars had been after him. 

Nothing shows more clearly hoAv little thought 
there had been in Hawkins that his voyage would 
have given offence in Spain than the astonishment 
with which he heard the news. He protested. 
He "svrote to Philip. Finding entreaties useless, 
he swore vengeance; but threats were equally 
ineffectual. Not a hide, not a farthing could he 
recover. The Spanish Government, terrified at 
the intrusion of English adventurers into their 
western paradise to endanger the gold fleets, or 
worse to endanger the purity of the faith, issued 



58 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

orders more peremptory than ever to close the 
ports there against all foreigners. Philip person- 
ally warned Sir Thomas Chaloner, the English 
ambassador, that if such visits were repeated, 
mischief would come of it. And Cecil, who 
disliked all such semi-piratical enterprises, and 
Chaloner, who was half a Spaniard and an old 
companion in arms of Charles V., entreated their 
mistress to forbid them. 

Elizabeth, however, had her own views in such 
matters. She liked money. She liked encourag- 
ing the adventurous disposition of her subjects, 
who were fighting the State's battles at their 
own risk and cost. She saw in Philip's anger a 
confession that the West Indies was his vulner- 
able point ; and that if she wished to frighten 
him into letting her alone, and to keep the 
Inquisition from burning her sailors, there was 
the place where Philip would be more sensitive. 
Probably, too, she thought that Hawkins had 
done nothing for which he could be justly 
blamed. He had traded at St. Domingo with 
the Governor's consent, and confiscation was 
sharp practice. 



2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 59 

This was clearly Hawkins's own view of the 
matter. He had injured no one. He had offended 
no pious ears by parading his Protestantism. He 
was not Philip's subject, and was not to be ex- 
pected to know the instructions given by the 
Spanish Government in the remote corners of 
their dominions. If anyone was to be punished, 
it was not he but the Governor. He held that 
he had been robbed, and had a right to indemnify 
himself at the King's expense. He would go 
out again. He was certain of a cordial reception 
from the planters. Between him and them there 
was the friendliest understanding. His quarrel 
was with Philip, and Philip only. He meant to 
sell a fresh cargo of negroes, and the Madrid 
Government should go without their 30 per cent, 
duty. 

Elizabeth approved. Hawkins had opened the 
road to the West Indies. He had shown how 
easy slave smuggling was, and how profitable it 
was; how it was also possible for the English 
to establish friendly relations with the Spanish 
settlers in the West Indies, whether Philip liked 
it or not. Another company was formed for a 



6o ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

second trial. Elizabeth took shares, Lord Pem- 
broke took shares, and other members of the 
Council. The Queen lent the Jesii^, a large ship 
of her own, of 700 tons. Formal instructions 
were given that no -wrong was to be done to the 
King of Spain, but what wrong might mean was 
left to the discretion of the commander. Where 
the planters were all eager to purchase, means of 
traffic would be discovered without collision with 
the authorities. This time the expedition was to 
be on a larger scale, and a hundred soldiers were 
put on board to provide for contingencies. Thus 
furnished, Hawkins started on his second voyage 
in October 1564. The autumn was chosen, to 
avoid the extreme tropical heats. He touched 
as before to see his friends at the Canaries. He 
went on to the Rio Grande, met with adventures 
bad and good, found a chief at war with a neigh- 
bouring tribe, helped to capture a town and take 
prisoners, made purchases at a Portuguese factory. 
In this way he now secured 400 human cattle, 
perhaps for a better fate than they would have 
met with at home, and with these he sailed off in 
the old direction. Near the equator he fell in 



2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 6i 

with calms ; he was short of water, and feared to 
lose some of them; but, as the record of the 
voyage puts it, ' Almighty God would not suffer 
His elect to perish,' and sent a breeze which 
carried him safe to Dominica. In that wettest 
of islands he found water in plenty, and had then 
to consider what next he would do. St. Domingo, 
he thought, would be no longer safe for him ; so 
he struck across to the Spanish Main to a place 
called Burboroata, where he might hope that 
nothing would be known about him. In this he 
was mistaken. Philip's orders had arrived: no 
Englishman of any creed or land was to be 
allowed to trade in his West India dominions. 
The settlers, however, intended to trade. They 
required only a display of force that they might 
pretend that they were yielding to compulsion. 
Hawkins told his old story. He said that he was 
out on the service of the Queen of England. He 
had been driven off his course by bad weather. 
He was short of supplies and had many men 
on board, who might do the town some mischief 
if they were not allowed to land peaceably and 
buy and sell what they wanted. The Governor 



62 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

affecting to hesitate, he threw 120 men on shore, 
and brought his guns to bear on the castle. The 
Governor gave way under protest. Hawkins was 
to be permitted to sell half his negroes. He said 
that as he had been treated so inhospitably he 
would not pay the 30 per cent. The King of 
Spain should have 7 J, and no more. The settlers 
had no objection. The price would be the less, 
and with this deduction his business was easily 
finished off. He bought no more hides, and was 
paid in solid silver. 

From Burboroata he went on to Rio de la 
Hacha, where the same scene was repeated. The 
whole 400 were disposed of, this time with ease 
and complete success. He had been rapid, and 
had the season still before him. Having finished 
his business, he surveyed a large part of the 
Caribbean Sea, taking soundings, noting the 
currents, and making charts of the coasts and 
islands. This done, he turned homewards, follow- 
ing the east shore of North America as far as 
Newfoundland. There he gave his crew a change 
of diet, with fresh cod from the Banks, and after 
eleven months' absence he sailed into Padstow, 



2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 63 

having lost but twenty men in the whole adven- 
ture, and bringing back 60 per cent, to the Queen 
and the other shareholders. 

Nothing succeeds like success. Hawkins's 
praises were in everyone's mouth, and in London 
he was the hero of the hour. Elizabeth received 
him at the palace. The Spanish ambassador, De 
Silva, met him there at dinner. He talked freely 
of where he had been and of what he had done, 
only keeping back the gentle violence which he 
had used. He regarded this as a mere farce, 
since there had been no one hurt on either side. 
He boasted of having given the greatest satisfac- 
tion to the Spaniards who had dealt with him. 
De Silva could but bow, report to his master, and 
ask instructions how he was to proceed. 

Philip was frightfully disturbed. He saw m 
prospect his western subjects allying themselves 
with the English — heresy creeping in among 
them ; his gold fleets in danger, all the possibili- 
ties with which Elizabeth had wished to alarm 
him. He read and re-read De Silva's letters, and 
opposite the name of Achines he wrote startled 
interjections on the margin : ' Ojo ! Ojo ! ' 



64 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

The political horizon was just then favourable 
to Elizabeth. The Queen of Scots was a prisoner 
in Loch Leven ; the Netherlands were in revolt ; 
the Huguenots were looking up in France ; and 
when Hawkins proposed a third expedition, she 
thought that she could safely allow it. She gave 
him the use of the Je,s,us again, with another 
smaller ship of hers, the Minion. He had two of 
his own still fit for work ; and a fifth, the Judith, 
was brought in by his young cousin, Francis 
Drake, who was now to make his first appearance 
on the stage. I shall tell you by-and-by who and 
what Drake was. Enough to say now that he 
was a relation of Hawkins, the owner of a small 
smart sloop or brigantine, and ambitious of a 
share in a stirring business. 

The Plymouth seamen were falling into dan- 
gerous contempt of Philip. While the expedition 
was fitting out, a ship of the Bang's came into 
Catwater with more prisoners from Flanders. 
She was flying the Castilian flag, contrary to rule, 
it was said, in- English harbours. The treatment 
of the English ensign at Gibraltar had not been 
forgiven, and Hawkins ordered the Spanish 



2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 65 
captain to strike his colours. The captain re- 
fused, and Hawkins instantly fired into him. In 
the confusion the prisoners escaped on board the 
Jcuis and were let go. The captain sent a com- 
plaint to London, and Cecil — ^who disapproved 
of Hawkins and all his proceedings — sent down 
an officer to inquire into what had happened. 
Hawkins, confident in Elizabeth's protection, 
quietly answered that the Spaniard had broken 
the laws of the port, and that it was necessary to 
assert the Queen's authority. 

' Your mariners,' said De Silva to her, ' rob our 
subjects on the sea, trade where they are forbidden 
to go, and fire upon our ships in your harbours. 
Your preachers insult my master from their 
pulj^its, and when we remonstrate we are answered 
with menaces. We have borne so far with their 
injuries, attributing them rather to temper and 
bad manners than to deliberate purpose. But, 
seeing that no redress can be had, and that the 
same treatment of us continues, I must consult my 
Sovereign's pleasure. For the last time, I require 
your Majesty to punish this outrage at Plymouth 
and preserve the peace between the two realms.' 

F 



66 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

No remonstrance could seem more just till the 
other side was heard. The other side was that 
the Pope and the Catholic Powers were under- 
taking to force the Protestants of France and 
Flanders back under the Papacy with fire and 
sword. It was no secret that England's turn was 
to follow as soon as Philip's hands were free. 
Meanwhile he had been intriguing with the 
Queen of Scots ; he had been encouraging Ireland 
in rebellion ; he had been persecuting English 
merchants and seamen, starving them to death in 
the Inquisition dungeons, or burning them at the 
stake. The Smithfield infamies were fresh in 
Protestant memories, and who could tell how 
soon the horrid work would begin again at home, 
if the Catholic Powers could have their way ? 

If the King of Spain and his Holiness at 
Rome would have allowed other nations to think 
and make laws for themselves, pirates and priva- 
teers would have disappeared off the ocean. The 
West Indies would have been left undisturbed, 
and Spanish, English, French, and Flemings 
would have lived peacefully side by side as they 
do now. But spiritual tyranny had not yet 



2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE G-j 
learned its lesson, and the ' Beggars of the Sea ' 
were to be Philip's schoolmasters in irregular bub 
oifectivo fashion. 

Elizabeth listened politely to what De Silva 
said, promised to examine into his complaints, 
and allowed Hawkins to sail. 

What befell him you will hear in the next 
lecture. 



LECTURE III 

SIR JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP THE SECOND 

"TI/TY last lecture left Hawkins preparing to 
start on his third and, as it proved, most 
eventful voyage. I mentioned that he was joined 
by a young relation, of whom I must say a few 
preliminary words, Francis Drake was a Devon- 
shire man, like Hawkins himself and Raleigh and 
Davis and Gilbert, and many other famous men 
of those days. He was born at Tavistock some- 
where about 1 540. He told Camden that he was 
of mean extraction. He meant merely that he 
Avas proud of his parents and made no idle pre- 
tensions to noble birth. His father was a tenant 
of the Earl of Bedford, and must have stood well 
with him, for Francis Russell, the heir of the 
earldom, was the boy's godfather. From him 
Drake took his Christian name. The Drakes 



LECT. 3-] SIR JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP II. 69 

were early converts to Protestantism. Trouble 
rising at Tavistock on the Six Articles Bill, they 
removed to Kent, where the father, probably 
through Lord Bedford's influence, was appointed 
a lay chaplain in Henry VIII.'s fleet at Chatham. , 
In the next reign, when the Protestants were 
uj)permost, he was ordained and became vicar of 
TJpnor on the Medwaj^ Young Francis took 
early to the water, and made acquaintance Avith a 
ship-master trading to the Channel ports, who 
took him on board his ship and bred him as a 
sailor. The boy distinguished himself, and his 
patron when he died left Drake his vessel in his 
will. For several years Drake stuck steadily to 
his coasting work, made money, and made a solid 
reputation. His ambition grew with his success. 
The seagoing English were all full of Hawkins 
and his West Indian exploits. The Hawkinses and 
the Drakes were near relations. Hearing that 
there was to be another expedition, and having 
obtained his cousin's consent, Francis Drake sold 
his brio-, bouo-ht the JuditJi, a handier and faster 
vessel, and with a few stout sailors from the 
river went down to Plymouth and joined. 



70 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

De Silva had sent word to Philip that 
Hawkins was again going out, and preparations 
had been made to receive him. Suspecting 
nothing, Hawkins with his four consorts sailed, as 
^before, in October 1567. The start was ominous. 
He was caught and badly knocked about by an 
equinoctial in the Bay of Biscay. He lost his 
boats. The Jes,iis strained her timbers and 
leaked, and he so little liked the look of things 
that he even thought of turning back and 
giving up the expedition for the season. How- 
ever, the weather mended. They put themselves 
to rights at the Canaries, picked up their spirits, 
and proceeded. The slave-catching was managed 
successfully, though with some increased difficulty. 
The cargo with equal success was disposed of at 
the Spanish settlements. At one j)lace the 
planters came off in their boats at night to buy. 
At Eio de la Hacha, where the most imperative 
orders had been sent to forbid his admittance, 
Hawkins landed a force as before and took 
possession of the town, of course with the con- 
nivance of the settlers. At Carthagena he was 
similarly ordered off, and as Carthagena was 



jj S7J^ JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIF II. ji 

strongly fortified he did not venture to meddle 
with it. But elsewhere he found ample markets 
for his wares. He sold all his blacks. By this 
and by other dealings he had collected what is 
described as a vast treasure of gold, silver, and 
jewels. The hurricane season was approaching, 
and he made the best of his way homewards with 
his spoils, in the fear of being overtaken by it. 
Unluckily for him, he had lingered too long. 
He had passed the west point of Cuba and was 
working up the back of the island when a hurri- 
cane came down on him. The gale lasted four 
days. The ships' bottoms were foul and they 
could make no way. Spars were lost and rigging 
carried away. The Jesus, which had not been 
seaworthy all along, leaked worse than ever and 
lost her rudder, Hawkins looked for some port 
in Florida, but found the coast shallow and ' 
dangerous, and was at last obliged to run for San 
Juan de Ulloa, at the bottom of the Gulf of 
Mexico. 

San Juan de Ulloa is a few miles only from 
Vera Cruz. It was at that time the chief port 
of Mexico, through which all the traffic passed 



72 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

between the colony and the mother-country, and 
was thus a place of some consequence. It stands 
on a small bay facing towards the north. Across 
the mouth of this bay lies a narrow ridge of sand 
and shingle, half a mile long, which acts as a 
natural breakwater and forms the harbour. This 
ridge, or island as it was called, was uninhabited, 
but it had been faced on the inner front by a 
wall. The water was deep alongside, and vessels 
could thus lie in perfect security, secured by their 
cables to rings let into the masonry. 

The prevailing wind was from the north, 
bringing in a heavy surf on the back of the 
island. There was an opening at both ends, but 
only one available for vessels of large draught. 
In this the channel was narrow, and a battery 
at the end of the breakwater would completely 
command it. The town stood on the opposite 
side of the bay. 

Into a Spanish port thus constructed Hawkins 
entered with his battered squadron on September 
1 6, 1568. He could not have felt entirely easy. 
But he probably thought that he had no ill-will 
to fear from the inhabitants generally, and that 



3.] Sl/i JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP II. ^i 

the Spanish authorities would not be strong 
enough to meddle with him. His ill star had 
brought him there at a time when Alvarez de 
Bagan, the same officer who had destroyed the 
English ships at Gibraltar, was daily expected 
from Spain — sent by Philip, as it proved, specially 
to look for him. Hawkins, when he appeared 
outside, had been mistaken for the Spanish 
admiral, and it was under this impression that 
he had been allowed to enter. The error was 
quickly discovered on both sides. 

Though still ignorant that he was himself 
De Bagan's particular object, yet De Bagan was 
the last officer whom in his crippled condition he 
would have cared to encounter. Several Spanish 
merchantmen were in the port richly loaded : 
with these of course he did not meddle, though, 
if reinforced, they might perhaps meddle with 
him. As his best resource he despatched a 
courier on the instant to Mexico to inform the 
Viceroy of his arrival, to say that he had an 
English squadron with him ; that ho had been 
driven in by stress of weather and need of repau-s ; 
that the Queen was an ally of the King of Spain ; 



74 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

and that, as he understood a Spanish fleet was 
likely soon to arrive, he begged the Viceroy to 
make arrangements to prevent disputes. 

As yet, as I said in the last lecture, there was 
no Inquisition in Mexico. It was established 
there three years later, for the special benefit 
of the English. But so far there was no ill- 
will towards the English — rather the contrary. 
Hawkins had hurt no one, and the negro trading 
had been eminently popular. The Viceroy might 
perhaps have connived at Hawkins's escape, but 
again by ill-fortune he was himself under orders 
of recall, and his successor was coming out in this 
particular fleet with De Bagan. 

Had he been well disposed and free to act 
it would still have been too late, for the very 
next morning, September 17, De Ba§an was off 
the harbour mouth with thirteen heavily-armed 
galleons and frigates. The smallest of them 
carried probably 200 men, and the odds were now 
tremendous. Hawkins's vessels lay ranged along 
the inner bank or wall of the island. He instantly 
occupied the island itself and mounted guns at 
the point covering the way in. He then sent a 



3.] SIR JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP II. 75 

boat off to De Bagan to say that he was an 
Enghshman, that he was in possession of the 
port, and must forbid the entrance of the Spanish 
fleet till he was assured that there was to be no 
violence. It was a strong measure to shut a 
Spanish admiral out of a Spanish port in a time 
of profound peace. Still, the way in was difficult, 
and could not be easily forced if resolutely 
defended. The northerly wind was rising; if it 
blew into a gale the Spaniards would be on a lee 
shore. Under desperate circumstances, desperate 
things will be done, Hawkins in his subsequent 
report thus explains his dilemma : — 

' I was in two difficulties. Either I must 
keep them out of the port, which with God's 
grace I could easily have done, in which case 
with a northerly wind rising they would have 
been wrecked, and I should have been answerable ; 
or I must risk their playing false, Avhich on the 
whole I preferred to do.' 

The northerly gale it appears did not rise, or 
the English commander might have preferred the 
first alternative. Three days passed in negotia- 
tion. De BaQan and Don Enriquez, the new 



76 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

Viceroy, were naturally anxious to get into shelter 
out of a dangerous position, and were equally 
desirous not to promise any more than was abso- 
lutely necessary. The final agreement was that 
De Ba^an and the fleet should enter without 
opposition. Hawkins might stay till he had 
repaired his damages, and buy and sell what he 
wanted ; and further, as long as they remained 
the English were to \q&^ possession of the island. 
This article, Hawkins says, was long resisted, 
but was consented to at last. It was absolutely 
necessary, for with the island in their hands, the 
Spaniards had only to cut the English cables, 
and they would have driven ashore across the 
harbour. 

The treaty so drawn was formally signed. 
Hostages were given on both sides, and De Baqan 
came in. The two fleets were moored as far apart 
from each other as the size of the port would 
allow. Courtesies were exchanged, and for two 
days all went well. It is likely that the Viceroy 
and the admiiul did not at first know that it was 
the very man whom they had been sent out to 
sink or capture who was lying so close to them. 



3.] SIR JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP II. 77 

When they did knoAV it they may have looked on 
him as a pirate, with whom, as with heretics, 
there was no need to keep faith. Anyway, the 
rat was in the trap, and De Bagan did not mean 
to let him out. The Jesus lay furthest in; the 
Minion lay beyond her towards the entrance, 
moored apjDarently to a ring on the quay, but free 
to move; and the Judith, further out again, 
moored in the same way. Nothing is said of the 
two small vessels remaining. 

De Bagan made his preparations silently, 
covered by the town. He had men in abundance 
ready to act where he should direct. On the 
third day, the 20th of September, at noon, the 
Minions crew had gone to dinner, when they saw 
a large hulk of 900 tons slowly towing up along- 
side of them. Not liking such a neighbour, they 
had their cable ready to slip and began to set 
their canvas. On a sudden shots and cries were 
heard from the town. Parties of English who 
were on land were set upon ; many were killed ; 
the rest were seen flinging themselves into the 
water and swimming off to the ships. At the 
same instant the guns of the galleons and of the 



78 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

shore batteries opened fire on the Jemi8 and her 
consorts, and in the smoke and confusion 300 
Spaniards swarmed out of the hulk and sprang on 
the Minions decks. The Minion's men instantly 
cut them down or drove them overboard, hoisted 
sail, and forced their way out of the harbour, 
followed by the Judith. The Jesus was left alone, 
unable to stir. She defended herself desperatel}^ 
In the many actions which were fought after- 
wards between the English and the Spaniards, 
there was never any more gallant or more severe. 
De Baqan's own ship was sunk and the vice- 
admiral's was set on fire. The Spanish, having 
an enormous advantage in numbers, were able 
to land a force on the island, seize the English 
battery there, cut down the gunners, and turn 
the guns close at hand on the devoted Jesus. 
Still she fought on, defeating every attempt to 
board, till at length De Bagan sent down fire- 
ships on her, and then the end came. All that 
Hawkins had made by his voyage, money, bullion, 
the ship herself, had to be left to their fate. 
Hawkins himself with the survivors of the crew 
took to their boats, dashed through the enemy, 



3.] SIR JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP II. 79 

who vainly tried to take them, and struggled out 
after the Minion and the Jttditli. It speaks ill 
for De Bagan that with so largo a force at his 
command, and in such a position, a single English- 
man escaped to tell the story. 

Even when outside Hawkins's situation was 
still critical and might well be called desperate. 
The Judith was but fifty tons; the Minion not 
above a hundred. They were now crowded up 
with men. They had little water on board, and 
there had been no time to refill their store-chests, 
or fit themselves for sea. Happily the weather 
was moderate. If the wind had risen, nothing 
could have saved them. They anchored two 
miles oif to put themselves in some sort of order. 
The Spanish fleet did not venture to molest 
further so desperate a foe. On Saturday the 25 th 
they set sail, scarcely knowing whither to turn. 
To attempt an ocean voyage as they were would 
be certain destruction, yet they could not trust 
longer to De Bagan's cowardice or forbearance. 
There was supposed to be a shelter of some kind 
somewhere on the east side of the Gulf of Mexico, 
where it was hoped they might obtain provisions. 



8o ENGLISH SEAMEN [lkgt. 

They reached the place on October' 8, but found 
nothing. English sailors have never been wanting 
in resolution. They knew that if they all remained 
on board every one of them must starve. A 
hundred volunteered to land and take their 
chance. The rest on short rations might hope to 
make their way home. The sacrifice was accepted. 
The hundred men were put on shore. They 
wandered for a few days in the woods, feeding 
on roots and berries, and shot at by the Indians. 
At length they reached a Spanish station, where 
they were taken and sent as prisoners to Mexico. 
There was, as I said, no Holy OjSice as yet in 
Mexico. The new Viceroy, though he had been 
in the fight at San Juan de Ulloa, was not 
implacable. They were treated at first with 
humanity; they were fed, clothed, taken care of, 
and then distributed among the plantations. 
Some were employed as overseers, some as 
mechanics. Others, who understood any kind of 
business, were allowed to settle in towns, make 
money, and even marry and establish themselves. 
Perhaps Philip heard of it, and was afraid that so 
many heretics might introduce the plague. The 



3.] SIR JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP II. 8i 

quiet time lasted three years ; at the end of those 
years the Inquisitors arrived, and then, as if these 
poor men had been the special object of that 
delightful institution, they were hunted up, thrown 
into dungeons, examined on their faith, tortured, 
some burnt in an aido dafe, some lashed through 
the streets of Mexico naked on horseback and 
returned to their prisons. Those who did not die 
under this pious treatment were passed over to 
the Holy Office at Seville and were condemned 
to the galleys. 

Here I leave them for the moment. We shall 
presently hear of them again in a very singular 
connection. The Minion and Judith meanwhile 
pursued their melancholy way. They parted 
company. The Judith, being the better sailer, 
arrived first, and reached Plymouth in December, 
torn and tattered. Drake rode off post immedi- 
ately to carry the bad news to London. The 
Minions fate was worse. She made her course 
through the Bahama Channel, her crew dying as 
if struck with a pestilence, till at last there were 
hardly men enough left to handle the sails. They 
fell too far south for England, and at length had 

G 



82 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

to put into Vigo, where their probable fate would 
be a Spanish prison. Hapj)ily they found other 
English vessels in the roads there. Fresh hands 
were put on board, and fresh provisions. With 
these supplies Hawkins reached Mount's Bay a 
month later than the JiLdith, in January 1569. 

Drake had told the story, and all England was 
ringing with it. Englishmen always think their 
own countrymen are in the right. The Spaniards, 
already in evil odour with the seagoing popula- 
tion, were accused of abominable treachery. The 
splendid fight which Hawkins had made raised him 
into a national idol, and though he had suffered 
financially, his loss was made up in reputation 
and authority. Every privateer in the West was 
eager to serve under the leadership of the hero of 
San Juan de Ulloa. He speedily found himself 
in command of a large irregular squadron, and 
even Cecil recognised his consequence. His chief 
and constant anxiety was for the comrades whom 
he had left behind, and he talked of a new ex- 
pedition to recover them, or revenge them if they 
had been killed ; but all things had to wait. They 
probably found means of communicating with 



3.] SIR JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP II. 83 

him, and as long as there was no Inquisition in 
Mexico, he may have learnt that there was no 
immediate occasion for action. 

Elizabeth put a brave face on her disappoint- 
ment. She knew that she was surrounded with 
treason, but she knew also that the boldest course 
was the safest. She had taken Alva's money, and 
was less than ever inclined to restore it. She 
had the best of the bargain in the arrest of the 
Spanish and English ships and cargoes. Alva 
would not encourage Philip to declare war with 
England till the Netherlands were completely 
reduced, and Philip, with his leaden foot {^pU de 
]3lomo), always preferred patience and intrigue. 
Time and he and the Pope were three powers 
which in the end, he thought, would prove irre- 
sistible, and indeed it seemed, after Hawkins's 
return, as if Philip would turn out to be right. 
The presence of the Queen of Scots in England 
had set in flame the Catholic nobles. The wages 
of Alva's trooj)s had been wrung somehow out of 
the wretched Provinces, and his supreme ability 
and inexorable resolution were steadily grinding 
down the revolt. Every port in Holland and 



S4 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

Zealand Avas in Alva's hands. Elizabeth's throne 
was undermined by the Ridolfi conspiracy, the 
most dangerous which she had ever had to en- 
counter. The only Protestant fighting power left 
on the sea which could be entirely depended on 
was in the privateer fleet, sailing, most of them, 
under a commission from the Prince of Orange. 

This fleet was the strangest phenomenon in 
naval history. It was half Dutch, half English, 
with a flavour of Huguenot, and was commanded 
by a Flemish noble, Count de la Mark. Its head- 
quarters were in the Downs or Dover Roads, 
where it could watch the narrow seas, and seize 
every Spanish ship that jDassed which was not 
too strong to be meddled with. The cargoes 
taken were openly sold in Dover market. If the 
Spanish ambassador is to be believed in a com- 
plaint which he addressed to Cecil, Spanish 
gentlemen taken prisoners were set up to public 
auction there for the ransom which they would 
fetch, and were disposed of for one hundred-pounds 
each. If Alva sent cruisers from Antwerp to 
burn them out, they retreated under the guns of 
Dover Castle. Roving squadrons of them flew 



3.] SIR JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP II. 85 

doAVii. to the Spanish coasts, pillaged churches, 
carried off church plate, and the captains drank 
success to piracy at their banquets out of chalices. 
The Spanish merchants at last estimated the 
property destroyed at three million ducats, and 
they said that if their flag could no longer jjrotect 
them, they must decline to make further contracts 
for the supply of the Netherlands army. 

It was life or death to Elizabeth. The Ridolfi 
plot, an elaborate and far-reaching conspiracy to 
give her cro^vn to Mary Stuart and to make away 
with heresy, was all but complete. The Pope 
and Philip had approved ; Alva was to invade ; 
the Duke of Norfolk was to head an insurrection 
in the Eastern Counties. Never had she been 
in greater danger. Elizabeth was herself to be 
murdered. The intention was known, but the 
particulars of the conspiracy had been kept so 
secret that she had not evidence enough to take 
measures to protect herself The privateers at 
Dover were a sort of protection ; they would at 
least make Alva's crossing more difficult ; but 
the most pressing exigency was the discovery of 
the details of the treason. Nothinsf was to be 



86 ENGLISH SEAMEN [i.fxt. 

gained by concession ; the onlj salvation was in 
daring. 

At Antwerp there was a certain Doctor Story, 
maintained by Alva there to keep a watch on 
English heretics. Story had been a persecutor 
under Mary, and had defended heretic burning in 
Elizabeth's first Parliament. He had refused the 
oath of allegiance, had left the country, and had 
taken to treason. Cecil wanted evidence, and this 
man he knew could give it, A pretended informer 
brought Story word that there was an Englisli 
vessel in the Scheldt which he would find worth 
examining. Story was tempted on board. The 
hatches were closed over him. He was delivered 
two days after at the Tower, when his secrets 
were squeezed out of him by the rack and he 
was then hanged. 

Something was learnt, but less still than Cecil 
needed to take measures to protect the Queen, 
And now once more, and in a new character, we 
are to meet John Hawkins. Three years had 
passed since the catastrophe at San Juan de 
Ulloa. He had learnt to his sorrow that his 
j)oor companions had fallen into the hands of the 



3.] SIR JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP II. 87 

Holy Office at last ; had been burnt, lashed, 
starved in dungeons or Avorked in chains in the 
Seville yards ; and his heart, not a very tender 
one, bled at the thoughts of them. The finest 
feature in the seamen of those days was their 
devotion to one another. Hawkins determined 
that, one way or other, these old comrades of his 
should be rescued. Entreaties were useless ; force 
was impossible. There might still be a chance 
with cunning. He would risk anything, even the 
loss of his soul, to save them. 

De Silva had left England. The Spanish 
ambassador was now Don Guerau or Gerald de 
Espes, and to him had fallen the task of watching 
and directing the conspiracy. Philip was to give 
the signal, the Duke of Norfolk and other Catholic 
peers were to rise and proclaim the Queen of 
Scots, Success would depend on the extent of 
the disaffection in England itself; and the am- 
bassador's business was to welcome and encourage 
all symptoms of discontent. Hawkins knew 
generally what was going on, and he saw in it 
an opportunity of approaching Philip on his weak 
side. Having been so much in the Canaries, he 



88 ENGLISH SEAMEN [i,kct. 

probably spoke Spanish fluently. He called on 
Don Guerau, and with audacious coolness repre- 
sented that he and many of his friends were dis- 
satisfied with the Queen's service. He said he 
had found her faithless and ungrateful, and he 
and they would gladly transfer their allegiance 
to the King of Spain, if the King of Spain would 
receive them. For himself, he would undertake 
to bring over the whole privateer fleet of the 
West, and in return he asked for nothing but the 
release of a few poor English seamen who were 
in prison at Seville. 

Don Guerau was full of the belief that the 
whole nation was ready to rebel. He eagerly 
swallowed the bait which Hawkins threw to him. 
He wrote to Alva, he wrote to Philip's secretary, 
Cayas, expatiating on the importance of securing 
such an addition to their party. It was true, he 
admitted, that Hawkins had been a pirate, but 
piracy was a common fault of the English, and 
no wonder when the Spaniards submitted to being- 
plundered so meekly; the man who was offering 
his services was bold, resolute, capable, and had 
great influence with the English sailors; he 



3.] SIR JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP 11. S9 

strongly advised that such a recruit should be 
encouraged. 

Alva would not listen. Philip, who shuddered 
at the very name of Hawkins, was incredulous. 
Don Guerau had to tell Sir John that the King at 
present declined his offer, but advised him to go 
himself to Madrid, or to send some confidential 
friend with assurances and explanations. 

Another figure now enters on the scene, a 
George Fitzwilliam. I do not know who he was, 
or why Hawkins chose him for his purpose. The 
Duke of Feria was one of Philip's most trusted 
ministers. He had married an English lady who 
had been a maid of honour to Queen Mary. It 
is possible that Fitzwilliam had some acquaintance 
with her or with her family. At any rate, he 
went to the Spanish Court ; he addressed himself 
to the Ferias; he won their confidence, and by 
their means was admitted to an interview with 
Philip. He represented Hawkins as a faithful 
Catholic who was indignant at the progress of 
heresy in England, who was eager to assist in the 
overthrow of Elizabeth and the elevation of the 
Queen of Scots, and was able and willing to carry 



go . ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

along with him the great Western privateer fleet, 
which had become so dreadful to the Spanish 
mind. Philip listened and was interested. It 
was only natural, he thought, that heretics should 
be robbers and pirates. If they could be recovered 
to the Church, their bad habits would leave them. 
The English navy was the most serious obstacle 
to the intended invasion. Still, Hawkins ! The 
Achines of his nightmares ! It could not be. 
He asked Fitzwilliam if his friend was acquainted 
with the Queen of Scots or the Duke of Norfolk. 
Fitzwilliam was obliged to say that he was not. 
The credentials of John Hawkins were his own 
right hand. He was making the King a magnifi- 
cent offer: nothing less than a squadron of the 
finest ships in the world — not perhaps in the 
best condition, he added, with cool British impu- 
dence, owing to the Queen's parsimony, but 
easily to be put in order again if the King would 
pay the seamen's wages and advance some money 
for repairs. The release of a few poor prisoners 
was a small price to ask for such a service. 

The King was still wary, watching the bait 
like an old pike, but hesitating to seize it ; but the 



3.] SIR JOHN HAWKINS AND nil IIP II. 91 

duke and duchess were willing |o be themselves 
securities for Fitzwilliam's faith, and Philip 
promised at last that if Hawkins would send him 
a letter of recommendation from the Queen of 
Scots herself, he would then see what could be 
done. The Ferias were dangerously enthusiastic. 
They talked freely to Fitzwilliam of the Queen 
of Scots and her prospects. They trusted him 
with letters and presents to her which would 
secure his admittance to her confidence. Hawkins 
had sent him over for the single purpose of 
cheating Philip into releasing his comrades from 
the Inquisition; and he had been introduced to 
secrets of high political moment ; like Saul, the 
son of Kish, he had gone to seek his father's asses 
and he had found a kingdom. Fitzwilliam 
hurried home with his letters and his news. 
Things were now serious. Hawkins could act 
no further on his own responsibility. He con- 
sulted Cecil. Cecil consulted the Queen, and it 
was agreed that the practice, as it was called, 
should be carried further. It might lead to the 
discovery of the whole secret. 

Very treacherous, think some good people. 



92 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lfxt. 

Well, there are .times when one admires even 
treachery — 

nee lex est jiistior iiUa 
Qiiam necis artifices arte perire sua. 

King Philip was confessedly preparing to en- 
courage an English subject in treason to his 
sovereign. Was it so wrong to hoist the 
engineer with his own petard ? Was it wrong 
of Hamlet to finger the packet of Rosencrantz 
and Guildenstern and rewrite his uncle's des23atch ? 
Let us have done with cant in these matters. 
Mary Stuart was at Sheffield Castle in charge of 
Lord Shrewsbury, and Fitzwilliam could not see 
her without an order from the Crown. Shrews- 
bury, though loyal to Elizabeth, was notoriously 
well inclined to Mary, and therefore could not be 
taken into confidence. In writing to him Cecil 
merely said that friends of Fitzwilliam's were in 
prison in Spain ; that if the Queen of Scots 
would intercede for them, Philip might be induced 
to let them go. He might therefore allow Fitz- 
william to have a private audience with that Queen. 
Thus armed, Fitzwilliam went down to Sheffield. 
He was introduced. He began with presenting 



3.] Sn^ JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP II. 93 

Mary with the letters and remembrances from 
the Ferias, which at once oj)ened her heart. It 
was impossible for her to suspect a friend of the 
duke and duchess. She was delighted at receiv- 
ing a visitor from the Court of Spain. She was 
prudent enough to avoid dangerous confidences, 
but she said she was always pleased when she 
could do a service to Englishmen, and with all 
her heart would intercede for the prisoners. She 
wrote to Philip, she wrote to the duke and 
duchess, and gave the letters to Fitzv/illiam to 
deliver. He took them to London, called on 
Don Gerald, and told him of his success. Don 
Gerald also wrote to his master, wrote unguardedly, 
and also trusted Fitzwilliam with the despatch. 

The various packets were taken first to Cecil, 
and were next shown to the Queen. They were 
then returned to Fitzwilliam, who once more 
went off with them to Madrid. If the letters 
produced the expected effect, Cecil calmly ob- 
served that divers commodities would ensue. 
English sailors would be released from the 
Inquisition and the galleys. The enemy's inten- 
tions would be discovered. If the King of Spain 



94 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

could be induced to do as Fitzwilliam had 
suggested, and assist in the repairs of the ships 
at Plymouth, credit would be obtained for a sum 
of money which could be employed to his own 
detriment. If Alva attempted the projected 
invasion, Hawkins might take the ships as if to 
escort him, and then do some notable exploit in 
mid-Channel. 

You will observe the downright directness of 
Cecil, Hawkins, and the other parties in the 
matter. There is no wrapping up their intentions 
in fine phrases, no parade of justification. They 
went straight to their |)oint. It was very 
characteristic of Englishmen in those stern, 
dangerous times. They looked facts in the face, 
and did what fact required. All really happened 
exactly as I have described it : the story is told 
in letters and documents of the authenticity of 
which there is not the smallest doubt. 

We will follow Fitzwilliam. He arrived at 
the Spanish Court at the moment when Ridolfi 
had brought from Rome the Pope's blessing on 
the conspiracy. The final touches were being 
added by the Spanish Council of State. All was 



3.] SIR JOHN HAWKINS AND PHIIIP II. 95 

hope ; all was the credulity of enthusiasm ! Mary 
Stuart's letter satisfied Philip. The prisoners 
were dismissed, each with ten dollars in his 
pocket. An agreement was formally drawn and 
signed in the Escurial in which Philip gave 
Hawkins a pardon for his misdemeanours in the 
West Indies, a j)atent for a Spanish peerage, and 
a letter of credit for 40,000/. to put the privateers 
in a condition to do service, and the money was 
actually paid by Philip's London agent. Ad- 
mitted as he now was to full confidence, Fitz- 
william learnt all particulars of the great plot. 
The story reads like a chapter from Monte Gristo 
and yet it is literally true. 

It ends with a letter which I will read to you, 
from Hawkins to Cecil : — 

' My very good Lord, — It may please your 
Honour to be advertised that Fitzwilliam is 
returned from Spain, where his message was 
acceptably received, both by the King himself, 
the Duke of Feria, and others of the Privy 
Council. His despatch and answer were with 
great expedition and great countenance and 



96 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

favour of the King. The Articles are sent to the 
Ambassador with orders also for the money to 
be paid to me by him, for the enterprise to 
proceed with all diligence; The pretence is that 
my powers should join with the Duke of Alva's 
powers, which he doth secretly provide in Flanders, 
as well as with powers which will come with the 
Duke of Medina Cell out of Spain, and to invade 
this realm and set up the Queen of Scots. They 
have practised with us for the burning of Her 
Majesty's ships. Therefore there should be some 
good care had of them, but not as it may appear 
that anything is discovered. The King has sent 
a ruby of good price to the Queen of Scots, with 
letters also which in my judgment were good to 
be delivered. The letters be of no importance, 
but his message by word is to comfort her, and 
say that he hath now none other care but to 
place her in her own. It were good also that 
Fitzwilliam may have access to the Queen of 
Scots to render thanks for the delivery of the 
prisoners who are now at liberty. It will be a 
very good colour for your Lordshij) to confer with 
him more largely. 



3-] S/Ji JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP II. 97 

' I have sent your Lordship the copy of my 
pardon from the King of Spain, in the order and 
manner I have it, with my great titles and 
honours from the King, from which God deliver 
me. Their practices be very mischievous, and 
they be never idle ; but God, I hope, will confound 
them and turn their devices on their own necks. 

' Your Lordship's most faithfully to my power, 

'John HaavivINs,' 

A few more words will conclude this curious 
episode. With the clue obtained by Fitzwilliam, 
and confessions twisted out of Story and other 
unwilling witnesses, the Ridolfi conspiracy was 
unravelled before it broke into act, Norfolk lost 
his head. The inferior miscreants were hanged. 
The Queen of Scots had a narrow escape, and the 
Parliament accentuated the Protestant character 
of the Church of England by embodying the 
Thirty-nine Articles in a statute. Alva, who 
distrusted Ridolfi from the first and disliked 
encouraging rebellion, refused to interest himself 
further in Anglo-Catholic plots. Elizabeth and 
Cecil could now breathe more freely, and read 



98 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

Philip a lesson on the danger of plotting against 
the lives of sovereigns. 

So long as England and Spain were nominally 
at peace, the presence of De la Mark and his 
privateers in the Downs was at least indecent. A 
committee of merchants at Bruges represented 
that their losses by it amounted (as I said) to 
three million ducats. Elizabeth, being now in 
comparative safety, affected to listen to remon- 
strances, and orders were sent down to De la 
Mark that he must prepare to leave. It is likely 
that both the Queen and he understood each 
other, and that De la Mark quite well knew where 
he was to go, and what he was to do. 

Alva now held every fortress in the Low 
Countries, whether inland or on the coast. The 
people were crushed. The duke's great statue 
stood in the square at Antwerp as a symbol of the 
annihilation of the ancient liberties of the Pro- 
vinces. By sea alone the Prince of Orange still 
continued the unequal struggle ; but if he was to 
maintain himself as a sea power anywhere, he 
required a harbour of his own in his own country. 
Dover and the Thames had served for a time as a 



3-] SIR JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP II. 99 
base of operations, but it could not last, and with- 
out a footing in Holland itself eventual success 
was impossible. All the Protestant world was 
interested in his fate, and De la Mark, with his 
miscellaneous gathering of Dutch, English, and 
Huguenot rovers, were ready for any desperate 
exploit. 

The order was to leave Dover immediately, 
but it was not construed strictly. He lingered 
in the Downs for six weeks. At length, one 
morning at the end of March 1572, a Spanish 
convoy knoAvn to be richly loaded appeared in the 
Straits. De la Mark lifted anchor, darted out on 
it, seized two of the largest hulks, rifled them, 
flung their crews overboard, and chased the rest 
up Channel. A day or two after he suddenly 
showed himself off Brille, at the mouth of the 
Meuse. A boat was sent on shore with a note to 
the governor, demanding the instant surrender of 
the town to the admiral of the Prince of Orange. 
The inhabitants rose in enthusiasm ; the garrison 
was small, and the governor was obliged to comply. 
De la Mark took possession. A few priests and 
monks attempted resistance, but were put down 



loo ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

without difficulty, and the leaders killed. The 
churches were cleared of their idols, and the mass 
replaced by the Calvinistic service. Cannon and 
stores, furnished from London, were landed, and 
Brille was made impregnable before Alva had 
realised what had happened to him. He is said 
to have torn his beard for anger. Flushing fol- 
lowed suit. In a week or two all the strongest 
j^laces on the coast had revolted, and the pirate 
fleet had laid the foundation of the great Dutch 
Republic, which at England's side was to strike 
out of Philip's hand the sceptre of the seas, and 
to save the Protestant religion. 

We may think as we please of these Beggars 
of the Ocean, these Norse corsairs come to life 
again with the flavour of Genevan theology in 
them ; but for daring, for ingenuity, for obstinate 
determination to be spiritually free or to die for it, 
the like of the Protestant privateers of the six- 
teenth century has been rarely met with in this 
world. 

England rang with joy when the news came 
that Brille was taken. Church bells pealed, and 
bonfires blazed. Money poured across in streams. 



3.] SIR JOHN HA WHINS AND PHILIP II. loi 
Exiled families went back to their homes — which 
were to be their homes once more — and the 
Zealanders and Hollanders, entrenched among 
their ditches, prepared for an amphibious conflict 
with the greatest power then upon the earth. 



LECTURE IV 

drake's voyage round the world 

T SUPPOSE some persons present have heard 
the name of Lope de Vega, the Spanish poet 
of Philip II.'s time. Very few of you probably 
know more of him than his name, and yet he 
ought to have some interest for us, as he was 
one of the many enthusiastic young Spaniards 
who sailed in the Great Armada. He had been 
disappointed in some love affair. He was an 
earnest Catholic. He wanted distraction, and it 
is needless to say that he found distraction 
enough in the English Channel to put his love 
troubles out of his mind. His adventures brought 
before him with some vividness the character of 
the nation with which his own country was then 
in the death-grapple, especially the character of 
the great English seaman to whom the Spaniards 



4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 103 

universally attributed their defeat. Lope studied 
the exploits of Francis Drake from his first 
appearance to his end, and he celebrated those 
exploits, as England herself has never yet thought 
it worth her while to do, by making him the hero 
of an epic poem. There are heroes and heroes. 
Lope de Vega's epic is called ' The Dragontea.' 
Drake himself is the dragon, the ancient serpent 
of the Apocalypse. We English have been con- 
tented to allow Drake a certain qualified praise. 
We admit that he was a bold, dexterous sailor, 
that he did his country good service at the 
Invasion. We allow that he was a famous 
navigator, and sailed round the world, which no 
one else had clone before him. But — there is 
always a but — of course he was a robber and a 
corsair, and the only excuse for him is that he 
was no worse than most of his contemporaries. 
To Lope de Vega he was a great deal worse. He 
was Satan himself, the incarnation of the Genius 
of Evil, the arch-enemy of the Church of God. 

It is worth while to look more particularly 
at the figure of a man who appeared to the 
Spaniards in such terrible proportions. I, for my 



104 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

part, believe a time will come when' we shall see 
better than we see now what the Reformation 
was, and what we owe to it, and these sea-captains 
of Elizabeth will then form the subject of a great 
English national epic as grand as the ' Odyssey.' 

In my own poor way meanwhile I shall try in 
these lectures to draw you a sketch of Drake and 
his doings as they ajipear to myself To-day I 
can but give you a part of the rich and varied 
story, but if all goes well I hope I may be able to 
continue it at a future time. 

I have not yet done with Sir John Hawkins. 
We shall hear of him again. He became the 
manager of Elizabeth's dockyards. He it was 
who turned out the ships that fought Philip's 
fleet in the Channel in such condition that not 
a hull leaked, not a spar was sprung, not a rope 
parted at an unseasonable moment, and this at 
a minimum of cost. He served himself in the 
squadron which he had equipped. He was one 
of the small group of admirals who met that 
Sunday afternoon in the cabin of the ark Raleigh 
and sent the fire-ships down to stir Medina Sidonia 
out of his anchorage at Calais. He was a child 



4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 105 

of the sea, and at sea he died, sinking at last into 
his mother's arms. But of this hereafter. I . 
must speak now of his still more illustrious 
kinsman, Francis Drake. 

I told you the other day generally who Drake 
was and where he came from ; how he went to 
sea as a boy, found favour with his master, 
became early an owner of his own ship, sticking 
steadily to trade. You hear nothing of him in, 
connection with the Channel pirates. It was not 
till he was five-and-twenty that he was tempted 
by Hawkins into the negro-catching business, and 
of this one experiment was enough. He never 
tried it again. 

The portraits of him vary very much, as 
indeed it is natural that they should, for most of 
those which pass for Drake were not meant for 
Drake at all. It is the fashion in this country, 
and a very bad fashion, when we find a remarkable 
portrait with no name authoritatively attached to 
it, to christen it at random after some eminent 
man, and there it remains to perplex or mislead. 

The best likeness of Drake that I know is 
an engraving in Sir William Stirling- Maxwell's 



io6 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

collection of sixteenth-century notabilities, repre- 
. senting him, as a scroll says at the foot of the 
plate, at the age of forty-three. The face is 
round, the forehead broad and full, with the short 
brown hair curling crisply on either side. The 
eyebrows are highly arched, the eyes firm, clear, 
and open. I cannot undertake for the colour, but 
I should judge they would be dark grey, like an 
eagle's. The nose is short and thick, the mouth 
and chin hid by a heavy moustache on the upper 
lip, and a close-clipped beard well spread over 
chin and cheek. The expression is good-humoured, 
but absolutely inflexible, not a weak line to be 
seen. He was of middle height, powerfully built, 
perhaps too powerfully for grace, unless the 
quilted doublet in which the artist has dressed 
him exaggerates his breadth. 

I have seen another portrait of him, with 
pretensions to authenticity, in which he appears 
with a slighter figure, eyes dark, full, thoughtful, 
and stern, a sailor's cord about his neck with a 
whistle attached to it, and a ring into which a 
thumb is carelessly thrust, the weight of the 
arms resting on it, as if in a characteristic 



4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 107 
attitude. Evidently this is a carefully drawn 
likeness of some remarkable seaman of the time. 
I should like to believe it to be Drake, but I can 
feel no certainty about it. 

We left him returned home in the Judith 
from San Juan de XJlloa, a ruined man. He had 
never injured the Spaniards. He had gone out 
with his cousin merely to trade, and he had met 
with a hearty reception from the settlers wherever 
he had been. A Spanish admiral had treacherously 
set upon him and his kinsman, destroyed half 
their vessels, and robbed them of all that they 
had. They had left a hundred of their comrades 
behind them, for whose fate they might fear the 
worst. Drake thenceforth considered Spanish 
property as fair game till he had made up his 
own losses. He waited quietly for four years till 
he had re-established himself, and then prepared 
to try fortune again in a more daring form. 

The ill-luck at San Juan de Ulloa had risen 
from loose tongues. There had been too much 
talk about it. Too many parties had been con- 
cerned. The Spanish Government had notice 
and were prepared. Drake determined to act for 



io8 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lfxt. 

himself, have no partners, and keep his own 
secret. He found friends to trust him with 
money without asking for explanations. The 
Plymouth sailors were eager to take their chance 
with him. His force was absurdly small : a sloop 
or brigantine of a hundred tons, which he called 
the Dragon (perhaps, like Loj)e de Vega, playing 
on his own name), and two small piimaces. With 
these he left Plymouth in the fall of the summer 
of 1572. He had ascertained that Philip's gold 
and silver from the Peruvian mines was landed 
at Panaina, carried across the isthmus on mules' 
backs on the line of M. de Lesseps' canal, and 
re-shipped at Nombre de Dios, at the mouth of 
the Chagre River. 

He told no one where he was going. He was 
no more communicative than necessary after his 
return, and the results, rather than the particulars, 
of his adventure are all that can be certainly 
known. Discretion told him to keep his counsel, 
and he kept it. 

The Drake family published an account of 
this voyage in the middle of the next century, 
but obviously mythical, in parts demonstrably 



4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 109 

false, and nowhere to be depended on. It can be 
made out, however, that he did go to Nombre de 
Dios, that he found his way into the town, and 
saw stores of bullion there which he would have 
liked to carry off but could not. A romantic 
story of a fight in the to^vn I disbelieve, first 
because his numbers were so small that to try 
force would have been absurd, and next because 
if there had been really anything like a battle 
an alarm would have been raised in the neigh- 
bourhood, and it is evident that no alarm was 
given. In the woods were parties of runaway 
slaves, who were called Cimarons. It was to 
these that Drake addressed himself, and they 
volunteered to guide him where he could surprise 
the treasure convoy on the way from Panama, 
His movements were silent and rapid. One in- 
teresting incident is mentioned which is authentic. 
The Cimarons took him through the forest to the 
watershed from which the streams 'flow to both 
oceans. Nothing could be seen through the 
jungle of undergrowth ; but Drake climbed a 
tall tree, saw from the top of it the Pacific 
glittering below him, and made a vow that 



no , ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

one day he would himself sail a ship in those 
waters. 

For the present he had immediate work on 
hand. His guides kept their word. They led 
him to the track from Panama, and he had not 
long to wait before the tinkling was heard of the 
mule bells as they were coming up the pass. 
There was no suspicion of danger, not the faintest. 
The mule train had but its ordinary guard, who 
fled at the first surprise. The immense booty fell 
all into Drake's hands — gold, jewels, silver bars — 
and got with much ease, as Prince Hal said at 
Gadshill. The silver they buried, as too heavy 
for transport. The gold, pearls, rubies, emeralds, 
and diamonds they carried down straight to their 
ship. The voyage home went prosperously. The 
spoils were shared among the adventurers, and 
they had no reason to complain. They were wise 
enough to hold their tongues, and Drake was in a 
condition to look about him and prepare for bigger 
enterprises. 

Rumours got abroad, spite of reticence. Im- 
agination was high in flight just then ; rash 
amateurs thought they could make their fortunes 



4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD iii 

in the same way, and tried it, to their sorrow. 
A sort of inflation can be traced in English 
sailors' minds as their work expanded. Even 
Hawkins — the clear, practical Hawkins — was in- 
fected. This was not in Drake's line. He kept 
to prose and fact. He studied the globe. He 
examined all the charts that he could get. He 
became known to the Privy Council and the 
Queen, and prepared for an enterprise which would 
make his name and frighten Philip in earnest. 

The ships which the Spaniards used on the 
Pacific were usually built on the spot. But Ma- 
gellan was known to have gone by the Horn, and 
where a Portuguese could go an Englishman could 
go. Drake proposed to try. There was a party in 
Elizabeth's Council against these adventures, and 
in favour of peace with Spain; but Elizabeth 
herself was always for enterprises of pith and 
moment. She was willing to help, and others 
of her Council were willing too, provided their 
names were not to appear. The responsibility 
was to be Drake's own. Again the vessels in 
which he was preparing to tempt fortune seem 
preposterously small. The Pelican, or Golden 



112 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect, 

Hinde, which belonged to Drake- himself, was 
called but 120 tons, at best no larger than a 
modern racing yawl, though perhaps no racing 
yawl ever left White's yard better found for the 
work which she had to do. The next, the Eliza- 
heth, of London, was said to be eighty tons; 
a small pinnace of twelve tons, in which we 
should hardly risk a summer cruise round the 
Land's End, with two sloops or frigates of fifty 
and thirty tons, made the rest. The Elizctbdli 
was commanded by Captain Winter, a Queen's 
officer, and perhaps a son of the old admiral. 

We may credit Drake with knowing what he 
was about. He and his comrades were carrying 
their lives in their hands. If they were taken 
they would be inevitably hanged. Their safety 
depended on speed of sailing, and specially on the 
power of working fast to windward, which the 
heavy square-rigged ships could not do. The 
crews all told were 160 men and boys. Drake 
had his brother John with him. Among his 
officers were the chaplain, Mr. Fletcher, another 
minister of some kind who spoke Spanish, and 
in one of the sloops a mysterious Mr. Doughty. 



4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 113 
Who Mr. Doughty was, and why he was sent out, 
is uncertain. When an expedition of consequence 
was on hand, the Spanish party in the Cabinet 
usually attached to it some second in command 
whose business was to defeat the object. When 
Drake went to Cadiz in after years to singe King 
Philip's beard, he had a colleague sent with him 
whom he had to lock into his cabin before he 
could get to his work. So far as I can make out, 
Mr. Doughty had a similar commission. On this 
occasion secrecy was impossible. It was gener- 
ally known that Drake was going to the Pacific 
through Magellan Straits, to act afterwards on 
his own judgment. The Spanish ambassador, 
now Don Bernardino de Mendoza, in informing 
Philip of what was intended, advised him to send 
out orders for the instant sinking of every English 
ship, and the execution of every English sailor, 
that appeared on either side the isthmus in West 
Indian waters. The orders were despatched, but 
so impossible it seemed that an English pirate 
could reach the Pacific, that the attention was 
confined to the Caribbean Sea, and not a hint of 
alarm v/as sent across to the other side. 



114 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

On November 15, 1577, the Pelican and her 
consort sailed out of Plymouth Sound. The 
elements frowned on their start. On the second 
day they were caught in a winter gale. The 
Pelican sprung her mainmast, and they put back 
to refit and repair. But Drake defied auguries. 
Before the middle of December all was again in 
order. The weather mended, and with a fair 
wind and smooth water they made a fast run 
across the Bay of Biscay and down the coast to 
the Cape de Verde Islands. There taking up the 
north-east trades, they struck across the Atlantic, 
crossed the line, and made the South American 
continent in latitude 33° South. They passed 
the mouth of the Plate River, finding to their 
astonishment fresh water at the ship's side in 
fifty-four fathoms. All seemed so far going well, 
when one morning Mr. Doughty's sloop was 
missing, and he along with her. Drake, it 
seemed, had already reason to distrust Doughty, 
and guessed the direction in which he had gone. 
The Marigold was sent in pursuit, and he was 
overtaken and brought back. To prevent a re- 
petition of such a performance, Drake took the 



4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 115 

sloop's stores out of her, burnt her, distributed 
the crew through the other vessels, and took Mr. 
Doughty under his own charge. On June 20 
they reached Port St. Julian, on the coast of 
Patagonia. They had been long on the way, and 
the southern winter had come round, and they 
had to delay further to make more particular 
inquiry into Doughty's desertion. An ominous 
and strange spectacle met their eyes as they 
entered the harbour. In that utterly desolate 
spot a skeleton was hanging on a gallows, the 
bones picked clean by the vultures. It was one 
of Magellan's crew who had been executed there 
for mutiny fifty years before. The same fate was 
to befall the unhappy Englishman who had been 
guilty of the same fault. Without the strictest 
discipline it was impossible for the enterprise to 
succeed, and Doughty had been guilty of worse 
than disobedience. We are told briefly that his 
conduct was found tending to contention, and 
threatening the success of the voyage. Part he 
was said to have confessed; part was proved 
against him — one knows not what. A court was 
formed out of the crew. He was tried, as near as 



ii6 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

circumstances allowed, according to English usage. 
He was found guilty, and was sentenced to die. 
He made no complaint, or none of which a record 
is preserved. He asked for the Sacrament, which 
was of course allowed, and Drake himself com- 
municated with him. They then kissed each 
other, and the unlucky wretch took leave of his 
comrades, laid his head on the block, and so 
ended. His offence can be only guessed ; but the 
suspicious curiosity about his fate which was 
shown afterwards by Mendoza makes it likely 
that he was in Spanish pay. The ambassador 
cross-questioned Captain Winter very particularly 
about him, and we learn one remarkable fact from 
Mendoza's letters not mentioned by any English 
writer, that Drake was himself the executioner, 
choosing to bear the entire responsibility. 

' This done,' writes an eye-witness, ' the general 
made divers speeches to the whole com23any, per- 
suading us to unity, obedience, and regard of our 
voyage, and for the better confirmation thereof 
willed every man the Sunday following to prepare 
himself to receive the Communion as Christian 
brothers and friends ought to do, which was done 



4.] DRAKES VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 117 

in very reverend sort ; and so with good content- 
ment every man went about his business.' 

You must take this last incident into your 
conception of Drake's character, think of it how 
you please. 

It was now midwinter, the stormiest season of 
the year, and they remained for six weeks in Port 
St. Julian. They burnt the twelve-ton pinnace, 
as too small for the work they had now before 
them, and there remained only the Pelican, the 
Elizabeth, and the Marigold. In cold wild weather 
they weighed at last, and on August 20 made the 
opening of Magellan's Straits. The passage is 
seventy miles long, tortuous and dangerous. 
They had no charts. The ships' boats led, taking 
soundings as they advanced. Icy mountains 
overhung them on either side ; heavy snow fell 
below. They brought up occasionally at an 
island to rest the men, and let them kill a few 
seals and penguins to give them fresh food. 
Everything they saw was new, wild, and wonderful. 

Having to feel their way, they were three 
weeks in getting through. They had counted on 
reachinsf the Pacific that the worst of their work 



Il8 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

was over, and that they could run north at once 
into warmer and calmer latitudes. The peaceful 
ocean, when they entered it, proved the stormiest 
they had ever sailed on. A fierce westerly gale 
drove them 600 miles to the south-east outside 
the Horn. It had been supposed, hitherto, that 
Tierra del Fuego was solid land to the South 
Pole, and that the Straits were the only com- 
munication between the Atlantic and the Pacific. 
They now learnt the true shape and character of 
the Western Continent. In the latitude of Cape 
Horn a westerly gale blows for ever round the 
globe; the waves the highest anywhere known. 
The Marigold went down in the tremendous 
encounter. Captain Winter, in the Elizahcth, 
made his way back into Magellan's Straits. 
There he lay for three weeks, lighting fires 
nightly to show Drake where he was, but no 
Drake appeared. They had agreed, if separated, 
to meet on the coast in the latitude of Valparaiso; 
but Winter was chicken-hearted, or else traitorous 
like Doughty, and sore, we are told, ' against the 
mariners' will,' when the three weeks were out, 
he sailed away for England, where he reported 



4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 119 

that all the ships were lost but the Pelican, and 
that the Pelican was probably lost too. 

Drake had believed better of Winter, and had 
not expected to be so deserted. He had himself 
taken refuge among the islands which form the 
Cape, waiting for the spring and milder weather. 
He used the time in making surveys, and observ- 
ing the habits of the native Patagonians, whom 
he found a tough race, going naked amidst ice 
and snow. The days lengthened, and the sea 
smoothed at last. He then sailed for Valparaiso, 
hoping to meet Winter there, as he had arranged. 
At Valparaiso there was no Winter, but there was 
in the port instead a great galleon just come in 
from Peru. The galleon's crew took him for a 
Spaniard, hoisted their colours, and beat their 
drums. The Pelican shot alongside. The English 
sailors in high spirits leapt on board. A Plymouth 
lad who could speak Spanish knocked down the 
first man he met with an ' Abajo, perro ! ' ' Down, 
you dog, down ! ' No life was taken ; Drake 
never hurt man if he could help it. The crew 
crossed themselves, jumped overboard, and swam 
ashore. The prize was examined. Four hundred 



I20 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

pounds' weight of gold was found in her, besides 
other plunder. 

The galleon being disposed of, Drake and his 
men pulled ashore to look at the town. The 
people had all fled. In the church they found 
a chalice, two cruets, and an altar-cloth, which 
were made over to the chaplain to im]3rove his 
Communion furniture. A few pipes of wine and 
a Greek pilot who knew the way to Lima com- 
pleted the booty. 

' Shocking piracy,' you will perhaps say. But 
what Drake was doing would have been all right 
and good service had war been declared, and the 
essence of things does not alter with the form. 
In essence there was war, deadly war, between 
Philip and Elizabeth. Even later, when the 
Armada sailed, there had been no formal declara- 
tion. The reality is the important part of the 
matter. It was but stroke for stroke, and the 
English arm proved the stronger. 

Still hoping to find Winter in advance of him, 
Drake went on next to Tarapaca, where silver 
from the Andes mines was shipped for Panama. 
At Tarapaca there was the same unconsciousness 



4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 121 

of danger. The silver bars lay piled on the quay, 
the muleteers who had brought them were sleej)- 
ing peacefully in the sunshine at their side. The 
muleteers were left to their slumbers. The bars 
were lifted into the English boats. A train of 
mules or llamas came in at the moment with a 
second load as rich as the first. This, too, went 
into the Pelican's hold. The bullion taken at 
Tarapaca was worth near half a million ducats. 

Still there were no news of Winter. Drake 
began to realise that he was now entirely alone, 
and had only himself and his own crew to depend 
on. There was nothing to do but to go through 
with it, danger adding to the interest. Arica was 
the next point visited. Half a hundred blocks of 
silver were picked up at Arica. After Arica came 
Lima, the chief depot of all, where the grandest 
haul was looked for. At Lima, alas ! they were 
just too late. Twelve great hulks lay anchored 
there. The sails were unbent, the men were 
ashore. They contained nothing but some chests 
of reals and a few bales of silk and linen. But a 
thirteenth, called by the gods Our Lady of the 
Conception, called by men Cacafucgo, a name 



122 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

incapable of translation, had sailed a few days 
before for the isthmus, with the whole produce of 
the Lima mines for the season. Her ballast was 
silver, her cargo gold and emeralds and rubies. 

Drake deliberately cut the cables of the ships 
in the roads, that they might drive ashore and be 
unable to follow him. The Pelican spread her 
wings, every feather of them, and sped away in 
pursuit. He would know the Cacafuego, so he 
learnt at Lima, by the peculiar cut of her sails. 
The first man who caught sight of her was 
promised a gold chain for his reward. A sail 
was seen on the second day. It was not the 
chase, but it was worth stopping for. Eighty 
pounds' weight of gold was found, and a great 
gold crucifix, set with emeralds said to be as large 
as pigeon's eggs. They took the kernel. They 
left the shell. Still on and on. We learn from 
the Spanish accounts that the Viceroy of Lima, 
as soon as he recovered from his astonishment, 
despatched ships in pursuit. They came up with 
the last plundered vessel, heard terrible tales of 
the rovers' strength, and went back for a larger 
force. The Pelican meanwhile went along upon 



4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 123 

her course for 800 miles. At length, when in 
the latitude of Quito and close under the shore, 
the Gacafiicgo's peculiar sails were sighted, and the 
gold chain was claimed. There she was, freighted 
with the fruit of Aladdin's garden, going lazily 
along a few miles ahead. Care was needed in 
approaching her. If she guessed the Pclicaiis 
character, she would run in upon the land and 
they would lose her. It was afternoon. The sun 
was still above the horizon, and Drake meant to 
wait till night, when the breeze would be off the 
shore, as in the tropics it always is. 

The Pelican sailed two feet to the Cacafucgd s 
one. Drake filled his empty wine-skins with 
water and trailed them astern to stop his way. 
The chase supposed that she was followed by 
some heavy-loaded trader, and, wishing for com- 
pany on a lonely voyage, she slackened sail and 
waited for him to come up. At length the sun 
went down into the ocean, the rosy light faded 
from off the snows of the Andes ; and when both 
ships had become invisible from the shore, the 
skins were hauled in, the night wind rose, and 
the water began to ripple under the Pelican's 



124 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

bows. The Cacaftiego was swiftly overtaken, and 
when within a cable's length a voice hailed her 
to put her head into the wind. The Spanish 
commander, not understanding so strange an 
order, held on his course. A broadside brought 
down his mainyard, and a flight of arrows rattled 
on his deck. He was himself wounded. In a few 
minutes he was a prisoner, and Our Lady of the 
Conception and her precious freight were in the 
corsair's power. The wreck was cut away; the 
ship was cleared ; a prize crew was put on board. 
Both vessels turned their heads to the sea. At 
daybreak no land was to be seen, and the examin- 
ation of the prize began. The full value was 
never acknowledged. The invoice, if there was 
one, was destroyed. The accurate figures were 
known only to Drake and Queen Elizabeth. A 
published schedule acknowledged to twenty tons 
of silver bullion, thirteen chests of silver coins, 
and a hundredweight of gold, but there were gold 
nuggets besides in indefinite quantity, and 'a 
great store ' of pearls, emeralds, and diamonds. 
The Spanish Government proved a loss of a 
million and a half of ducats, excluding what 



4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 125 

belonged to private persons. The total capture 
was immeasurably greater. 

Drake, we are told, was greatly satisfied. He 
thought it prudent to stay in the neighbourhood 
no longer than necessary. He went north with 
all sail set, taking his prize along with him. The 
master, San Juan de Anton, was removed on 
board the Pelican to have his wound attended to. 
He remained as Drake's guest for a week, and 
sent in a report of what he observed to the 
Spanish Government. One at least of Drake's 
party spoke excellent Spanish. This person took 
San Juan over the ship. She showed signs, San 
Juan said, of rough service, but was still in fine 
condition, mth ample arms, spare rope, mattocks, 
carpenters' tools of all descriptions. There were 
eighty-five men on board all told, fifty of them 
men-of-war, the rest young fellows, ship-boys and 
the like. Drake himself was treated with great 
reverence 5 a sentinel stood always at his cabin 
door. He dined alone with music. 

No mystery was made of the Felica?is ex- 
ploits. The chaplain showed San Juan the 
crucifix set with emeralds, and asked him if he 



126 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

could seriously believe that to be God. San Juan 
asked Drake how he meant to go home. Drake 
showed him a globe with three courses traced on 
it. There was the way that he had come, there 
was the way by China and the Cape of Good 
Hope, and there was a third way which he did 
not explain. San Juan asked if Spain and England 
were at war. Drake said he had a commission 
from the Queen. His captures were for her, not 
for himself He added afterwards that the Viceroy 
of Mexico had robbed him and his kinsman, and 
he was making good his losses. 

Then, touching the point of the sore, he said, 
' I know the Viceroy will send for thee to inform 
himself of my proceedings. Tell him he shall 
do well to put no more Englishmen to death, 
and to spare those he has in his hands, for if he 
do execute them I will hang 2,000 Spaniards and 
send him their heads.' 

After a week's detention San Juan and his 
men were restored to the empty Gaeaftiego, and 
allowed to go. On their way back they fell in 
with the two cruisers sent in pursuit from Lima, 
reinforced by a third from Panama. They were 



4-] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 127 

now fully armed ; they went in chase, and accord- 
ing to their own account came up with the Pelican. 
But, like Lope de Vega, they seemed to have 
been terrified at Drake as a sort of devil. They 
confessed that they dared not attack him, and 
again went back for more assistance. The Viceroy 
abused them as cowards, arrested the officers, 
despatched others again with peremptory orders 
to seize Drake, even if he was the devil, but by 
that time their questionable visitor had flown. 
They found nothing, perhaps to their relief 

A despatch went instantly across the Atlantic 
to Philip. One squadron was sent off from Cadiz 
to watch the Straits of Magellan, and another to 
patrol the Caribbean Sea. It was thought that 
Drake's third way was no seaway at all, that he 
meant to leave the Pelican at Darien, carry his 
plunder over the mountains, and build a ship at 
Honduras to take him home. His real idea was 
that he might hit off" the passage to the north of 
which Frobisher and Davis thought they had 
found the eastern entrance. He stood on towards 
California, picking up an occasional straggler in 
the China trade, with silk, porcelain, gold, and 



128 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

emeralds. Fresli water was a necessity. He put 
in at Guatulco for it, and his proceedings were 
humorously prompt. The alcaldes at Guatulco 
were in session trying a batch of negroes. An 
English boat's crew appeared in court, tied the 
alcaldes hand and foot, and carried them off to 
the Pelican, there to remain as hostages till the 
water-casks were filled. 

North again he fell in with a galleon carrying 
out a new Governor to the Philippines. The 
Governor was relieved of his boxes and his jewels, 
and then, says one of the party, ' Our General, 
thinking himself in respect of his private injuries 
received from the Spaniards, as also their con- 
tempt and indignities offered to our country and 
Prince, sufficiently satisfied and revenged, and 
supposing her Majesty would rest contented with 
this service, began to consider the best way home.' 
The first necessity was a complete overhaul of the 
ship. Before the days of copper sheathing weeds 
grew thick under water. Barnacles formed in 
clusters, stopping the speed, and sea-worms bored 
through the planking. Twenty thousand miles 
lay between the Pelican and Plymouth Sound, 



4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 129 

and Drake was not a man to run idle chances. 
Still holding his north course till he had left the 
furthest Spanish settlement far to the south, he 
put into Canoas Bay in California, laid the Pelican 
ashore, set up forge and workshop, and repaired 
and re-rigged her with a month's labour from 
stem to stern. With every rope new set up and 
new canvas on every yard, he started again on 
April 16, 1579, and continued up the coast to 
Oregon. The air grew cold though it was 
summer. The men felt it from having been so 
long in the tropics, and dropped out of health. 
There was still no sign of a passage. If passage 
there was, Drake perceived that it must be of 
enormous length. Magellan's Straits, he guessed, 
would be watched for him, so he decided on the 
route by the Cape of Good Hope. In the Philip- 
pine ship he had found a chart of the Indian 
Archipelago. With the help of this and his own 
skill he hoped to find his way. He went down 
again to San Francisco, landed there, found the 
soil teeming with gold, made acquaintance with 
an Indian king who hated the Spaniards and 
wished to become an English subject. But Drake 

K 



I30 ENGLISH SEAMEN [i,kct. 

had no leisure to annex new territories. AvoidiiiP" 
the course from Mexico to the Philippines, ho 
made a direct course to the Moluccas, and brought 
up again at the Island of Celebes. Here the 
Pelican was a second time docked and scraped. 
The crew had a month's rest among the fireflies 
and vampires of the tropical forest. Leaving 
Celebes, they entered on the most perilous part 
of the whole voyage. They Avound their way 
among coral reefs and low islands scarcely visible 
above the water-line. In their chart the only 
outlet marked into the Indian Ocean was by the 
Straits of Malacca. But Drake guessed rightly 
that there must be some nearer opening, and felt 
his way looking for it along the coast of Java. 
Spite of all his care, he was once on the edge 
of destruction. One evening as night was closing 
in a grating sound was heard under the Pelican's 
keel. In another moment she was hard and 
fast on a reef The breeze was light and the 
water smooth, or the world would have heard no 
more of Francis Drake. She lay immovable 
till daybreak. At dawn the position was seen 
not to be entirely desperate. Drake himself 



4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 131 

showed all the qualities of a great commander. 
Cannon were thrown over and cargo that was not 
needed. In the afternoon, the wind changing, the 
lififhtened vessel lifted off the rocks and was saved. 
The hull was uninjured, thanks to the Californian 
repairs. All on board had behaved well with the 
one exception of Mr. Fletcher, the chaplain. Mr. 
Fletcher, instead of working like a man, had 
whined about Divine retribution for the execu- 
tion of Doughty. 

For the moment Drake passed it over. A few 
days after, they passed out through the Straits of 
Sunda, where they met the great ocean swell, 
Homer's \xkya Kv\xa OaXda-a-rjs, and they knew then 
that all was well. 

There was now time to call Mr. Fletcher to 
account. It was no business of the chaplain to 
discourage and dispirit men in a moment of 
danger, and a court was formed to sit upon him. 
An English captain on his own deck represents 
the sovereign, and is head of Church as well as 
State. Mr. Fletcher was brought to the forecastle, 
where Drake, sitting on a sea-chest with a pair 
of pantottjles in his hand, excommunicated him, 



132 ENGLTSn SEAMEN [lect. 

pronounced him cut off from the Church of God, 
given over to the devil for the chastising of his 
flesh, and left him chained by the leg to a ring- 
holt to repent of his cowardice. 

In the general good-humour punishment could 
not be of long duration. The next day the poor 
chaplain had his absolution, and returned to his 
berth and his duty. The Pelican met with no 
more adventures. Sweeping in fine clear weather 
round the Cape of Good Hope, she touched once 
for water at Sierra Leone, and finally sailed in 
triumph into Plymouth Harbour, where she had 
been long given up for lost, having traced the first 
furrow round the globe. Winter had come home 
eighteen months before, but could report nothing. 
The news of the doings on the American coast 
had reached England through Madrid. The 
Spanish ambassador had been furious. It was 
known that Spanish squadrons had been sent in 
search. Complications would arise if Drake 
brought his plunder home, and timid politicians 
hoped that he was at the bottom of the sea. But 
here he was, actually arrived with a monarch's 
ransom in his hold. 



4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 133 

English sympathy with an extraordinary ex- 
ploit is always irresistible. Shouts of applause 
rang through the country, and Elizabeth, every 
bit of her an Englishwoman, felt with her subjects. 
She sent for Drake to London, made him tell his 
story over and over again, and was never weary of 
listening to him. As to injury to Spain, Philip 
had lighted a fresh insurrection in Ireland, which 
had cost her dearly in lives and money. For 
Philip to demand compensation of England on 
the score of justice was a thing to make the gods 
laugh. 

So thought the Queen. So unfortunately did 
not think some members of her Council, Lord 
Burghley among them. Mendoza was determined 
that Drake should be punished and the spoils dis- 
gorged, or else that he would force Elizabeth upon 
the world as the confessed protectress of piracy. 
Burghley thought that, as things stood, some 
satisfaction (or the form of it) would have to be 
made. 

Elizabeth hated paying back as heartily as 
Falstaff, nor had she the least intention of throw- 
ing to the wolves a gallant Englishman, with 



134 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

whose achievements the world was ringing. She 
was obliged to allow the treasure to be registered 
by a responsible official, and an account rendered 
to Mendoza ; but for all that she meant to keep 
her own share of the spoils. She meant, too, that 
Drake and his brave crew should not go unre- 
warded. Drake himself should have ten thousand 
pounds at least. 

Her action was eminently characteristic of 
her. On the score of real justice there was 
no doubt at all how matters stood between her- 
self and Philip, who had tried to dethrone and 
kill her. 

The Pelican lay still at Plymouth with the 
bullion and jewels untouched. She directed that 
it should be landed and scheduled. She trusted 
the business to Edmund Tremayne, of Sydenham, 
a neighbouring magistrate, on whom she could 
depend. She told him not to be too inquisitive, 
and she allowed Drake to go back and arrange 
the cargo before the examination was made. Let 
me now read you a letter from Tremayne himself 
to Sir Francis Walsingham : — 

' To give you some understanding how I have 



4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 135 

proceeded with Mr. Drake: I have at no time 
entered into the account to know more of the 
value of the treasure than he made me acquainted 
with ; and to say truth I persuaded him to impart 
to me no more than need, for so I saw him com- 
manded in her Majesty's behalf that he should 
reveal the certainty to no man living. I have 
only taken notice of so much as he lia& revealed, 
and the same I have seen to be weighed, regis- 
tered, and packed. And to observe her Majesty's 
commands for the ten thousand pounds, we agreed 
he should take it out of the portion that was 
landed secretly, and to remove the same out of 
the place before my son Henry and I should 
come to the weighing and registering of what was 
left; and so it was done, and no creature living 
by me made privy to it but himself; and myself 
no privier to it than as you may perceive by this. 
'I see nothing to charge Mr. Drake further 
than he is inclined to charge himself, and withal 
I must say he is inclined to advance the value to 
be delivered to her Majesty, and seeking in general 
to recompense all men that have been in the 
case dealers with him. As I dare take an oath, 



136 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

he will rather diminish his own portion than leave 
any of them unsatisfied. And for his mariners 
and followers I have seen here as eye-witness, 
and have heard with my ears, such certain signs 
of goodwill as I cannot yet see that any of them 
will leave his company. The whole course of his 
voyage hath showed him to be of great valour ; 
but my hap has been to see some particulars, 
and namely in this discharge of his company, as 
doth assure me that he is a man of great govern- 
ment, and that by the rules of God and his book, 
so as proceeding on such foundation his doings 
cannot but prosper.' 

The result of it all was that deductions were 
made from the capture equivalent to the property 
which Drake and Hawkins held themselves to 
have been treacherously plundered of at San Juan 
de XJlloa, with perhaps other liberal allowances for 
the cost of recovery. An account on part of what 
remained was then given to Mendbza. It was not 
returned to him or to Philip, but was laid up in 
the Tower till the final settlement of Philip's and 
the Queen's claims on each other — the cost, for 
one thing, of the rebellion in Ireland. Commis- 



4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 137 

sioners met and argued and sat on ineffectually 
till the Armada came and the discussion ended, 
and the talk of restitution was over. Meanwhile, 
opinion varied about Drake's own doings as it has 
varied since. Elizabeth listened spellbound to his 
adventures, sent for him to London again, and 
walked with him publicly about the parks and 
gardens. She gave him a second ten thousand 
pounds. The Pelican was sent round to Dept- 
ford; a royal banquet was held on board, Eliza- 
beth attended and Drake was knighted. Mendoza 
clamoured for the treasure in the Tower to be 
given up to him ; Walsingham wished to give it 
to the Prince of Orange ; Leicester and his party 
in the Counxjil, who had helped to fit Di-ake out, 
thought it ought to be divided among themselves, 
and unless Mendoza lies they offered to share it 
with him if he would agree to a private arrange- 
ment. Mendoza says he answered that he would 
give twice as much to chastise such a bandit as 
Drake. Elizabeth thought it should be kept as 
a captured pawn in the game, and so in fact it 
remained after the deductions which we have 
seen had been made. 



138 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

Drake was lavish of his presents. He pre- 
sented the Queen with a diamond cross and a 
coronet set with splendid emeralds. He gave 
Bromley, the Lord Chancellor, 800 dollars' worth 
of silver plate, and as much more to other members 
of the Council. The Queen wore her coronet on 
New Year's Day ; the Chancellor was content to 
decorate his sideboard at the cost of the Catholic 
King. Burghley and Sussex declined the splendid 
temptation ; they said they could accept no such 
precious gifts from a man whose fortune had been 
made by plunder. 

Burghley lived to see better into Drake's 
value. Meanwhile, what now are we, looking 
back over our history, to say of these things — the 
Channel privateering ; the seizure of Alva's army 
money ; the sharp practice of Hawkins with the 
Queen of Scots and King Philip ; or this amazing 
performance of Sir Francis Drake in a vessel no 
larger than a second-rate yacht of a modern noble 
lord ? 

Resolution, daring, professional skill, all his- 
torians allow to these men; but, like Burghley, 
they regard what they did as piracy, not much 



4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 139 

better, if at all better, than the later exploits of 
Morgan and Kidd. So cried the Catholics who 
wished Elizabeth's ruin ; so cried Lope de Vega 
and King Philip. In milder language the modern 
philosopher repeats the unfavourable verdict, re- 
joices that he lives in an age when such doings are 
impossible, and apologises faintly for the excesses 
of an imperfect age. May I remind the philosopher 
that we live in an age when other things have 
also happily become impossible, and that if he and 
his friends were liable when they went abroad for 
their summer tours to be snapped by the familiars 
of the Inquisition, whipped, burnt alive, or sent to 
the galleys, he would perhaps think more leniently 
of any measures by which that respectable insti- 
tution and its masters might be induced to treat 
philosophers with greater consideration ? 

Again, remember Dr. Johnson's warning, 
Beware of cant. In that intensely serious century 
men were more occupied with the realities than 
the forms of things. By encouraging rebellion in 
England and Ireland, by burning so many scores 
of poor English seamen and merchants in fools' 
coats at Seville, the King of Spain had given 



140 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 4. 

Elizabeth a hundred occasions for declaring war 
against him. Situated as she was, with so many 
disaffected Catholic subjects, she could not hegin 
a war on such a quarrel. She had to use such 
resources as she had, and of these resources the 
best was a splendid race of men who were not 
afraid to do for her at their own risk Avhat com- 
missioned officers would and might have justly 
done had formal war been declared, men who 
defeated the national enemy with materials con- 
quered from himself, who were devoted enough 
to dispense with the personal security which the 
sovereign's commission would have extended to 
prisoners of war, and face the certainty of being 
hanged if they were taken. Yes; no doubt by 
the letter of the law of nations Drake and Hawkins 
were corsairs of the same stuff as Ulysses, as the 
rovers of Norway. But the common-sense of 
Europe saw through the form to the substance 
which lay below it, and the instinct of their 
countrymen gave them a place among the fight- 
ing heroes of England, from which I do not think 
they will bo deposed by the eventual verdict of 
history. 



LECTURE V 

PARTIES IN THE STATE 

f\N December 21, 1585, a remarkable scene took 
place in the English House of Commons. 
The Prince of Orange, after miany attempts had 
failed, had been successfully disposed of in the 
Low Countries. A fresh conspiracy had just been 
discovered for a Catholic insurrection in England, 
supported by a foreign invasion; the object of 
which was to dethrone Elizabeth and to give her 
crown to Mary Stuart. The Duke of Alva, at the 
time of the Ridolfi plot, had pointed out as a 
desirable preliminary, if the invasion was to suc- 
ceed, the assassination of the Queen of England. 
The succession being undecided, he had calculated 
that the confusion would paralyse resistance, and 
the notorious favour with which Mary Stuart's 
pretensions were regarded by a powerful English 



142 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lkct. 

party would ensure her an easy victory were 
Elizabeth once removed. But this was an indis- 
pensable condition. It had become clear at last 
that so long as Elizabeth was alive Philip would 
not willingly sanction the landing of a Spanish 
army on English shores. Thus, among the more 
ardent Catholics, especially the refugees at the 
Seminary at Rheims, a crown in heaven was held 
out to any spiritual knight- errant who would 
remove the obstacle. The enterprise itself was 
not a difficult one. Elizabeth was aware of her 
danger, but she was personally fearless. She 
refused to distrust the Catholics. Her household 
was full of them. She admitted anyone to her 
presence who desired a private interview. Dr. 
Parry, a member of Parliament, primed by en- 
couragements from the Cardinal of Como and the 
Vatican, had undertaken to risk his life to win 
the glorious prize. He introduced himself into 
the palace, properly provided with arms. He 
professed to have information of importance to 
give. The Queen received him repeatedly. Once 
he was alone with her in the palace garden, 
and was on the point of killing her, when he was 



5.] PARTIES TN THE STATE 143 

awed, as he said, by the likeness to her father. 
Parry was discovered and hanged, but Elizabeth 
refused to take warning. When there were S(3 
many aspirants for the honour of removing Jezebel, 
and Jezebel was so easy of approach, it was felt 
that one would at last succeed ; and the loyal 
part of the nation, led by Lord Burghley, formed 
themselves into an association to protect a life 
so vital to them and apparently so indifferent to 
herself 

The subscribers bound themselves to pursue 
to the death all manner of persons who should 
attempt or consent to anything to the harm of 
her Majesty's person ; never to allow or submit 
to any pretended successor by whom or for whom 
such detestable act should be attempted or com- 
mitted ; but to pursue such persons to death and 
act the utmost revenge upon them. 

The bond in its first form was a visible creation 
of despair. It implied a condition of things in 
which order would have ceased to exist. The 
lawyers, who, it is curious to observe, were 
generally in Mary Stuart's interest, vehemently 
objected; yet so passionate was public feeling 



144 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

that it was signed throughout the kingdom, and 
Parliament was called to pass an Act which would 
secure the same object. Mary Stuart, at any 
rate, was not to benefit by the crimes either of 
herself or her admirers. It was provided that if 
the realm was invaded, or a rebellion instigated 
by or for any one 23retending a title to the crown 
after the Queen's death, such j)retender should be 
disqualified for ever. In the event of the Queen's 
assassination the government was to devolve on a 
Committee of Peers and Privy Councillors, who 
were to examine the particulars of the murder 
and execute the perpetrators and their accomplices ; 
while, with a significant allusion, all Jesuits and 
seminary priests were required to leave the country 
instantly, under pain of death. 

The House of Commons was heaving with 
emotion when the Act was sent up to the Peers. 
To give expression to their burning feelings Sir 
Christopher Hatton proposed that before they 
separated they should join him in a prayer for the 
Queen's preservation. The 400 members all rose, 
and knelt on the floor of the House, repeating 
Hatton's words after him, sentence by sentence. 



5.] PARTIES IN THE STATE 145 

Jesuits and seminary priests ! Attempts have 
been made to justify the conspiracies against 
EHzabeth from what is called the persecution of 
the innocent enthusiasts who came from Rheims 
to preach the Catholic faith to the English people. 
Popular writers and speakers dwell on the exe- 
cutions of Campian and his friends as worse 
than the Smithfield burnings, and amidst general 
admiration and approval these martyred saints 
have been lately canonised. Their mission, it is 
said, was purely religious. Was it so ? The chief 
article in the religion which they came to teach 
was the duty of obedience to the Pope, who had 
excommunicated the Queen, had absolved her 
subjects from their allegiance, and, by a relaxation 
of the Bull, had permitted them to pretend to 
loyalty ad illud tem^us, till a Catholic army of 
deliverance should arrive. A Pope had sent a 
legate to Ireland, and was at that moment stirring 
up a bloody insurrection there. 

But what these seminary priests were, and 
Avhat their object was, will best appear from an 
account of the condition of England, drawn up 
for the use of the Pope and Philip, by Father 

L 



146 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

Parsons, who was himself at the' head of the 
mission. The date of it is 1585, ahnost simul- 
taneous with the scene in Parliament which I 
have just been describing. The English refugees, 
from Cardinal Pole downwards, were the most 
active and passionate preachers of a Catholic 
crusade against England. They failed, but they 
have revenged themselves in history. Pole, 
Sanders, Allen, and Parsons have coloured all 
that we suppose ourselves to know of Hemy VIII. 
and Elizabeth. What I am about to read to you 
does not differ essentially from what we have 
already heard from these persons ; but it is new, 
and, being intended for practical guidance, is 
complete in its way. It comes from the Spanish 
archives, and is not therefore open to suspicion. 
Parsons, as you know, was a Fellow of Balliol 
before his conversion; Allen was a Fellow of Oriel, 
and Sanders of New College. An Oxford Church 
of England education is an excellent thing, and 
beautiful characters have been formed in the 
Catholic universities abroad ; but as the elements 
of dynamite are innocent in themselves, yet when 
fused together produce effects no one would have 



5.] PARTIES IN THE STATE 147 

dreamt of, so Oxford and Rome, when they have 
run together, have always generated a somewhat 
furious compound. 

Parsons describes his statement as a ' brief note 
on the present condition of England,' from which 
may be inferred the ease and opportuneness of 
the holy enterprise. ' England,' he says, ' contains 
fifty-two counties, of which forty are well inclined 
to the Catholic faith. Heretics in these are few, 
and are hated by all ranks. The remaining twelve 
are infected more or less, but even in these the 
Catholics are in the majority. Divide England 
into three parts ; two-thirds at least are Catholic 
at heart, though many conceal their convictions 
in fear of the Queen. English Catholics are of 
two sorts — one which makes an open profession 
regardless of consequences, the other believing at 
the bottom, but unwilling to risk life or fortune, 
and so submitting outwardly to the heretic laws, 
but as eager as the Catholic confessors for 
redemption from slavery. 

' The Queen and her party,' he goes on, ' more 
fear these secret Catholics than those who wear 
their colours openly. The latter they can fine, 



148 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

disarm, and make innocuous. The others, being 
outwardly compliant, cannot be touched, nor can 
any precaution be taken against their rising when 
the day of divine vengeance shall arrive. 

' The counties sjDecialiy Catholic are the most 
warlike, and contain harbours and other con- 
veniences for the landing of an invading army. 
The north towards the Scotch border has been 
trained in constant fighting. The Scotch nobles 
on the other side are Catholic and will lend their 
help. So will all Wales. 

' The inhabitants of the midland and southern 
provinces, where the taint is deepest, are indolent 
and cowardly, and do not know what war means. 
The towns are more corrupt than the country 
districts. But the strength of England does not 
lie, as on the Continent, in towns and cities. The 
town population are merchants and craftsmen, 
rarely or never nobles or magnates. 

' The nobility, who have the real power, reside 
with their retinues in castles scattered over the 
land. The wealthy yeomen are strong and honest, 
all attached to the ancient faith, and may be 
counted on when an attempt is made for the 



5.] PARTIES IN THE STATE 149 

restoration of it. The knights and gentry are 
generally Avell affected also, and will be well to 
the front. Many of their sons are being now 
educated in our seminaries. Some are in exile, 
but all, whether at home or abroad, will be active 
on our side. 

' Of the great peers, marquises, earls, viscounts, 
and barons, part are with us, part against us. 
But the latter sort are new creations, whom the 
Queen has promoted either for heresy or as her 
personal lovers, and therefore universally abhorred. 

' The premier peer of the old stock is the Earl 
of Arundel, son and heir of the late Duke of 
Norfolk, whom she has imprisoned because he 
tried to escape out of the realm. This earl, is 
entirely Catholic, as well as his brothers and 
kinsmen; and they have powerful vassals who 
are eager to revenge the injury of their lord. 
The Earl of Northumberland and his brothers 
are Catholics. They too have family wrongs to 
repay, their father having been this year murdered 
in the Tower, and they have placed themselves at 
my disposal. The Earl of Worcester and his heir 
hate heresy, and are devoted to us with all their 



I50 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

dependents. The Earls of Cumbeiiand and 
Sonthampton and Viscount Montague are faithful, 
and have a large follomng. Besides these we 
have many of the barons — Dacre, Morley, Vaux, 
Windsor, Wharton, Lovelace, Stourton, and others 
besides. The Earl of Westmoreland, with Lord 
Paget and Sir Francis Englefield," who reside 
abroad, have been incredibly earnest in promoting 
our enterprise. With such support, it is im- 
possible that we can fail. These lords and 
gentlemen, when they see efficient help coming 
to them, will certainly rise, and for the following 
reasons : — 

' 1. Because some of the principals among them 
have given me their promise. 

'2. Because, on hearing that Pope Pius intended 
to excommunicate and depose the Queen sixteen 
years ago, many Catholics did rise. They only 
failed because no support was sent them, and the 
Pope's sentence had not at that time been actually 
published. Now, when the Pope has spoken and 
help is certain, there is not a doubt how they will 
act. 

'3. Because the Catholics are now much more 



5.] PARTIES IN THE STATE 151 

numerous, and have received daily instruction in 
their religion from our priests. There is now no 
orthodox Catholic in the whole realm who supposes 
that he is any longer bound in conscience to obey 
the Queen. Books for the occasion have been 
written and published by us, in which we prove 
that it is not only lawful for Catholics, but their 
positive duty, to fight against the Queen and 
heresy when the Pope bids them ; and these 
books are so greedily read among them that when 
the time comes they are certain to take arms. 

'4. The Catholics in these late years have 
shown their real feeling in the martyrdoms of 
priests and laymen, and in attempts made by 
several of them against the person and State of 
the Queen. Various Catholics have tried to kill 
her at the risk of their own lives, and are still 
trying. 

' 5. We have three hundred priests dispersed 
among the houses of the nobles and honest 
gentry. Every day we add to their number; 
and these priests will direct the consciences and 
actions of the Catholics at the great crisis. 

' 6. They have been so harried and so worried 



152 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

that they hate the heretics worse than they hate 
the Turks. 

' Should any of them fear the introduction of 
a Spanish army as dangerous to their national 
liberties, there is an easy way to satisfy their 
scruples. Let it be openly declared that the 
enterprise is undertaken in the name of the Pope, 
and there will be no more hesitation. We have 
ourselves prepared a book for their instruction, to 
be issued at the right moment. If his Holiness 
desires to see it we will have it translated into 
Latin for his use. 

' Before the enterprise is undertaken the 
sentence of excommunication and deposition ought 
to be reissued, with special clauses. 

' It must be published in all adjoining Catholic 
countries ; all Catholic kings and princes must be 
admonished to forbid every description of inter- 
course with the pretended Queen and her heretic 
subjects, and themselves especially to make or 
observe no treaties with her, to send no embassies 
to her and admit none ; to render no help to her 
of any sort or kind. 

' Besides those who will be our friends for re- 



5.] PARTIES TN THE STATE 153 

ligion's sake we shall have others with us — neutrals 
or heretics of milder sort, or atheists, Avith whom 
England now abounds, who will join us in the 
interest of the Queen of Scots. Among them are 
the Marquis of Winchester, the Earls of Shrews- 
bury, Derby, Oxford, Eutland, and several other 
peers. The Queen of Scots herself will be of 
infinite assistance . to us in securing these. She 
knows who are her secret friends. She has been 
able so far, and we trust will always be able, to 
communicate with them. She will see that they 
are ready at the right time. She has often written 
to me to say that she hopes that she will be able 
to escape when the time comes. In her last letter 
she urges me to be vehement with his Holiness 
in pushing on the enterprise, and bids him have no 
concern for her o^vn safety. She believes that she 
can care for herself. If not, she says she will lose 
her life willingly in a cause so sacred. 

' The enemies that we shall have to deal with 
are the more determined heretics whom we call 
Puritans, and certain creatures of the Queen, the 
Earls of Leicester and Huntingdon, and a few 
others. They will have an advantage in the money 



154 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

in the Treasury, the public arms and stores, and 
the army and navy, but none of them have ever 
seen a camp. The leaders have been nuzzled in 
love-making and Court pleasures, and they Avill all 
fly at the first shock of war. They have not a man 
who can command in the field. In the whole 
realm there are but two fortresses which could 
stand a three days' siege. The people are ener- 
vated by long peace, and, except a few who have 
served with the heretics in Flanders, cannot bear 
their arms. Of those few some are dead and 
some have deserted to the Prince of Parma, a 
clear proof of the real disposition to revolt. There 
is abundance of food and cattle in the country, all 
of which will be at our service and cannot be 
kept from us. Everywhere there are safe and 
roomy harbours, almost all undefended. An in- 
vading force can be landed with ease, and there 
will be no lack of local pilots. Fifteen thousand 
trained soldiers will be sufficient, aided by the 
Catholic English, . though, of course, thS larger 
the force, particularly if it includes cavalry, the 
quicker the work will be done and the less 
the expense. Practically there will be nothing 



5.] PARTIES IN THE STATE 155 

to overcome save an imwarlike and undisciplined 
mob. 

•' Sixteen times England has been invaded. 
Twice only the native race have repelled the 
attacking force. They have been defeated on 
every other occasion, and with a cause so holy and 
just as ours we need not fear to fail. The ex- 
penses shall be repaid to his Holiness and the 
Catholic King out of the property of the heretics 
and the Protestant clergy. There will be ample 
in these resources to comiDensate all who give us 
their hand. But the work must be done promptly. 
Delay will be infinitely dangerous. If we put off, 
as we have done hitherto, the Catholics will be 
tired out and reduced in numbers and strength. 
The nobles and priests now in exile, and able to 
be of such service, will break down in poverty. 
The Queen of Scots may be executed or die a 
natural death, or something may happen to the 
Catholic King or his Holiness. The Queen of 
England may herself die, a heretic Government 
may be reconstructed under a heretic successor, 
the young Scotch king or some other, and our case 
will then be desperate ; whereas if we can prevent 



156 ENGLISH SEAMEN [i.ect. 

this and save the Queen of Scots there will be 
good hope of converting her son and reducing the 
whole island to the obedience of the faith. Now 
is the moment. The French Government cannot 
interfere. The Duke of Guise will help us for the 
sake of the faith and for his kinswoman. The 
Turks are quiet. The Church was never stronger 
or more united. Part of Italy is under the Catholic 
King; the rest is in league with his Holiness. 
The revolt in the Low Countries is all but crushed. 
The sea provinces are on the point of surrender- 
ing. If they give up the contest their harbours 
will be at our service for the invasion. If not, 
the way to conquer them is to conquer England. 

'I need not urge how much it imports his 
Holiness to undertake this glorious work. He, 
supremely wise as he is, knows that from this 
Jezebel and her supporters come all the perils 
which disturb the Christian world. He knows 
that heretical depravity and all other miseries 
can only end when this woman is chastised. Re- 
verence for his Holiness and love for my afflicted 
country force me to speak. I submit to his most 
holy judgment myself and my advice.' 



5.] PARTIES IN THE STATE 157 

The most ardent Catholic apologist will hardly 
maintain, in the face of this document, that the 
English Jesuits and seminary priests were the 
innocent missionaries of religion which the modern 
enemies of Elizabeth's Government describe them. 
Father Parsons, the writer of it, was himself the 
leader and director of the Jesuit invasion, and 
cannot be supposed to have misrepresented the 
purpose for which they had been sent over. The 
point of special interest is the account which he 
gives of the state of parties and general feeling in 
the English people. Was there that wide disposi- 
tion to welcome an invading army in so large a 
majority of the nation ? The question is supposed 
to have been triumphantly answered three years 
later, when it is asserted that the difference of 
creed was forgotten, and Catholics and Protestants 
fought side by side for the liberties of England. 
But, in the first place, the circumstances were 
changed. The Queen of Scots no longer lived, 
and the success of the Armada implied a foreign 
sovereign. But, next, the experiment was not 
tried. The battle was fought at sea, by a fleet 
four-fifths of which was composed of Protestant 



IS8 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

adventurers, fitted out and manned by those zeal- 
ous Puritans whose fidelity to the Queen Parsons 
himself admitted. Lord Howard may have been 
an Anglo-Catholic ; Roman Catholic he never 
was ; but he and his brother were the only loyalists 
in the House of Howard. Arundel and the rest 
of his kindred were all that Parsons claimed for 
them. How the country levies would have be- 
haved had Parma landed is still uncertain. It is 
likely that if the Spanish army had gained a first 
success, there might have been some who would 
have behaved as Sir William Stanley did. It is 
observable that Parsons mentions Leicester and 
Huntingdon as the only powerful peers on whom 
the Queen could rely, and Leicester, otherwise the 
unfittest man in her dominions, she chose to 
command her land army. 

The Duke of Alva and his master Philip, both 
of them distrusted political priests. Political 
priests, they said, did not understand the facts 
of things. Theological enthusiasm made them 
credulous of what they wished. But Father 
Parsons's estimate is confirmed in all its parts by 
the letters of Meudoza, the Spanish ambassador 



5-] PAK77ES IN THE STATE 159 

in London. Mencloza was himself a soldier, and 
his first duty was to learn the real truth. It may 
be taken as certain that, with the Queen of Scots 
still alive to succeed to the throne, at the time of 
the scene in the House of Commons, with which 
I began this lecture, the great majority of the 
country party disliked the Reformers, and were 
looking forward to the accession of a Catholic 
sovereign, and as a consequence to a religious 
revolution. 

It explains the difficulty of Elizabeth's posi- 
tion and the inconsistency of her jDolitical action. 
Burghley, Walsingham, Mildmay, Knolles, the 
elder Bacon, were believing Protestants, and 
would have had her put herself openly at the 
head of a Protestant European league. They 
believed that right and justice were on their side, 
that their side was God's cause, as they called it, 
and that God would care for it. Elizabeth had 
no such complete conviction. She disliked dog- 
matism, Protestant as well as Catholic. She 
ridiculed Mr. Cecil and his brothers in Christ. 
She thought, like Erasmus, that the articles of 
faith, for which men were so eager to kill one 



i6o ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

another, were subjects which thej^ knew very 
little about, and that every man might think 
what he would on such matters without injury to 
the commonwealth. To become ' head of the 
name ' would involve open war with the Catholic 
powers. War meant war taxes, which more than 
half her subjects would resent or resist. Eeligion 
as she understood it was a development of law — 
the law of moral conduct. You could not have 
two laws in one country, and you could not have 
two religions ; but the outward form mattered 
comparatively little. The people she ruled over 
were divided about these forms. They were 
mainly fools, and if she let them each have 
chapels and churches of their own, molehills would 
become mountains, and the congregations would 
go from arguing into fighting. With Parliament 
to help her, therefore, she established a Liturgy, 
in which those who wished to find the Mass could 
hear the Mass, while those who wanted predestin- 
ation and justification by faith could find it in the 
Articles. Both could meet under a common roof, 
and use a common service, if they would only be 
reasonable. If they would not be reasonable, the 



50 PARTIES IN THE STATE i6i 

Catholics might have their own ritual in their 
own houseSj and would not be interfered, with. 

This system continued for the first eleven 
years of Elizabeth's reign. No Catholic, she 
could proudly say, had ever during that time been 
molested for his belief There was a small fine 
for non-attendance at church, but even this was 
rarely levied, and by the confession of the Jesuits 
the Queen's policy was succeeding too well. 
Sensible men began to see that the differences of 
religion were not things to quarrel over. Faith 
was growing languid. The elder generation, who 
had lived through the Edward and Mary revolu- 
tions, were satisfied to be left undisturbed ; a new 
generation was growing up, vv^ith new ideas ; and 
so the Church of Rome bestirred itself Elizabeth 
was excommunicated. The cycle began of intrigue 
and conspiracy, assassination plots, and Jesuit 
invasions. Punishments had to follow, and in 
spite of herself Elizabeth was driven into what 
the Catholics could call religious persecution. Re- 
ligious it was not, for the seminary priests were 
missionaries of treason. But religious it was 
made to appear. The English gentleman who 



i62 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

wished to remain loyal, without forfeiting his 
faith, was taught to see that a sovereign under 
the Papal curse had no longer a claim on his 
allegiance. If he disobeyed the Pope, he had 
ceased to be a member of the Church of Christ. 
The Papal party grew in coherence, while, opposed 
to them as their purpose came in view, the 
Protestants, who at first had been inclined to 
Lutheranism, adopted the deeper and sterner 
creed of Calvin and Geneva. The memories of 
the Marian cruelties revived again. They saw 
tiiemselves threatened with a return to stake and 
fagot. They closed their ranks and resolved to 
die rather than submit again to Antichrist. They 
might be inferior in numbers. A 'plebiscite, in 
England at that moment would have sent Burgh- 
ley and Walsingham to the scaffold. But the 
Lord could save by few as well as by many. Judah 
had but two tribes out of the twelve, but the 
words of the men of Judah were fiercer than the 
words of Israel. 

One great mistake had been made by Parsons. 
He could not estimate what he could not under- 
stand. He admitted that the inhabitants of the 



5-] PARTIES IN THE STATE 163 

towns were mainly heretic — London, Bristol, 
Pljmaouth, and the rest — ^but he despised them as 
merchants, craftsmen, mean persons who had no 
heart to fight in them. Nothing is more remark- 
able in the history of the sixteenth century than 
the effect of Calvinism in levelling distinctions of 
rank and in steeling and ennobling the character 
of common men. In Scotland, in the Low 
Countries, in France, there was the same pheno- 
menon. In Scotland, the Kirk was the creation 
of the preachers and the people, and peasants and 
workmen dared to stand in the field against belted 
knights and barons, who had trampled on their 
fathers for centuries. The artisans of the Low 
Countries had for twenty years defied the whole 
power of Spain. The Huguenots were not a fifth 
part of the French nation, yet defeat could never 
dishearten them. Again and again they forced 
Crown and nobles to make terms with them. 
It was the same in England. The allegiance 
to their feudal leaders dissolved into a higher 
obligation to the King of kings, whose elect they 
believed themselves to be. Election to them was 
not a theological phantasm, but an enlistment in 



1 64 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

the army of God. A little flock tliey might be, 
but they were a dangerous people to deal with, 
most of all in the towns on the sea. The sea was 
the element of the Eeformers. The Popes had 
no jurisdiction over the winds and waves. Rochelle 
was the citadel of the Huguenots. The English 
merchants and marmers had wrongs of their own, 
perpetually renewed, which fed the bitterness of 
their indignation. Touch where they would in 
Spanish ports, the inquisitor's hand was on their 
ships' crews, and the crews, unless they denied 
their faith, were handed over to the stake or the 
galleys. The Calvinists are accused of intolerance. 
I fancy that even in these humane and enlightened 
days we should not be very tolerant if the King 
of Dahomey were to burn every European visitor 
to his dominions who would not worship Mumbo 
Jumbo. The Duke of Alva was not very merciful 
to heretics, but he tried to bridle the zeal of the 
Holy Office in burning the English seamen. 
Even Philip himself remonstrated. It was to no 
purpose. The Holy Office said they would think 
about it, but concluded to go on. I am not 
the least surprised if the English seamen were 



5.] ■ PARTIES IN THE STATE 165 

intolerant, I should be very much surprised if 
they had not been. The Queen could not protect 
them. They had to protect themselves as they 
could, and make Spanish vessels, when they could 
catch them, pay for the iniquities of their rulers. 

With such a temper rising on both sides, 
Elizabeth's policy had but a poor chance. She 
still hoped that the better sense of mankind 
would keep the doctrinal enthusiasts in order. 
Elizabeth wished her subjects would be content 
to live together in unity of spirit, if not in unity 
of theory, in the bond of peace, not hatred, in 
righteousness of life, not in orthodoxy preached 
by stake and gibbet. She was content to wait 
and to persevere. She refused to declare war. 
War would tear the world in pieces." She knew 
her danger. She knew that she was in constant 
peril of assassination. She knew that if the 
Protestants were crushed in Scotland, in France, 
and in the Low Countries, her own turn would 
follow. To protect insurgents avowedly vfould be 
to justify insurrection against herself But what 
she would not do openly she would do secretly. 
What she would not do herself she let her subjects 



1 66 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

do. Thousands of English volunteers fought in 
Flanders for the States, and in France for the 
Huguenots. When the English Treasury was 
shut to the entreaties of Coligny or William of 
Orange the London citizens untied their purse- 
strings. Her friends in Scotland fared ill. They 
were encouraged by promises which were not 
observed, because to observe them might bring 
on war. They committed themselves for her 
sake. They fell one after another — Murray, 
Morton, Gowrie — into bloody graves. Others 
took their places and struggled on. The Scotch 
Eeformation was saved. Scotland was not allowed 
to open its arms to an invading army to strike 
England across the Border. But this was held 
to be their sufficient recompense. They cared for 
their cause as well as for the English Queen, and 
they had their reward. If they saved her they 
saved their own country. She too did not lie on 
a bed of roses. To prevent open war she was 
exposing her own life to the assassin. At any 
moment a pistol-shot or a stab with a dagger 
might add Elizabeth to the list of victims. She 
knew it, yet she went on upon her own policy, 



5.] PARTIES IN THE STATE 167 

and faced in her person her own share of the risk. 
One thing only she did. If she would not defend 
her fiiends and her subjects as Queen of England, 
she left them free to defend themselves. She 
allowed traitors to be hanged when they were 
caught at their work. She allowed the merchants 
to fit out their privateer fleets, to defend at their 
own cost the shores of England, and to teach the 
Spaniards to fear their vengeance. 

But how long was all this to last ? How long 
were loyal citizens to feel that they were living 
over a loaded mine ? — throughout their own 
country, throughout the Continent, at Rome and 
at Madrid, at Brussels and at Paris, a legion of 
conspirators were driving their shafts under the 
English commonwealth. The Queen might be 
indifferent to her own danger, but on the Queen's 
life hung the peace of the whole realm. A stroke 
of a poniard, a touch of a trigger, and swords 
would be flying from their scabbards in every 
county ; England would become, like France, one 
wild scene of anarchy and civil war. No suc- 
cessor had been named. The Queen refused to 
hear a successor declared. Mary Stuart's hand 



i68 . ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

had been in every plot since she crossed the 
Border. Twice the House of Commons had 
petitioned for her execution. Elizabeth would 
neither touch her life nor allow her hopes of the 
cro'svn to be taken from her. The Bond of Asso- 
ciation was but a remedy of despair, and the Act 
of Parliament would have passed for little in the 
tempest which would immediately rise. The 
agony reached a height when the fatal news came 
from the Netherlands that there at last assassin- 
ation had done its work. The Prince of Orange, 
after many, failures, had been finished, and a libel 
was found in the Palace at Westminster exhorting 
the ladies of the household to provide a Judith 
among themselves to rid the world of the English 
Holofemes. 

One part of Elizabeth's subjects, at any rate, 
were not disposed to sit down in patience under 
the eternal nightmare. From Spain was to come 
the army of deliverance for which the Jesuits 
were so passionately longing. To the Spaniards 
the Pope was looking for the execution of the 
Bull of Deposition. Father Parsons had left out 
of his estimate the Protestant adventurers of 



5.] PARTIES IN THE STATE 169 

London and Plymouth, who, besides their creed 
and their patriotism, had their private wrongs to 
revenge. Philip might talk of peace, and perhaps 
in weariness might at times seriously wish for it ; 
but between the Englishmen whose life was on 
the ocean and the Spanish Inquisition, which 
had burned so many of them, there was no peace 
possible. To them, Spain was the natural enemy. 
Among the daring spirits who had sailed with 
Drake round the globe, who had waylaid the 
Spanish gold ships, and startled the world with 
their exploits, the joy of whose lives had been to 
f]ght Spaniards wherever they could meet with 
them, there was but one wish — for an honest 
open war. The great galleons were to them no 
objects of terror. The Spanish naval power 
seemed to them a ' Colossus stuffed with clouts.' 
They were Protestants all of them, but their 
theology was rather practical than speculative. 
If Italians and Spaniards chose to believe in 
the Mass, it was not any affair of theirs. Their 
quarrel was with the insolent pretence of Catho- 
lics to force their creed on others with sword and 
cannon. The spirit which was working in them 



I70 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

was the genius of freedom. On their own element 
they felt that they could be the spiritual tyrants' 
masters. But as things were going, rebellion was 
likely to break out at home; their homesteads 
might be burning, their country overrun with the 
Prince of Parma's army, the Inquisition at their 
own doors, and a Catholic sovereign bringing 
back the fagots of Smithfield. 

The Reformation at its origin was no intro- 
duction of novel heresies. It was a revolt of the 
laity of Europe against the profligacy and avarice 
of the clergy. The popes and cardinals pretended 
to be the representatives of Heaven. When 
called to account for abuse of their powers, they 
had behaved precisely as mere corrupt human 
kings and aristocracies behave. They had in- 
trigued ; they had excommunicated ; they had 
set nation against nation, sovereigns against their 
subjects ; they had encouraged assassination ; they 
had made themselves infamous by horrid mas- 
sacres, and had taught one half of foolish Christen- 
dom to hate the other. The hearts of the poor 
English seamen whose comrades had been burnt 
at Seville to make a Spanish holiday, thrilled 



5.] PARTIES IN THE STATE 171 

with a sacred determination to end such scenes. 
The purpose that was in them broke into a wild 
war-music, as the wind harp swells and screams 
under the breath of the storm, I found in the 
Record Office an unsigned letter of some inspired 
old sea-dog, written in a bold round hand and ad- 
dressed to Elizabeth. The ships' companies which 
in summer served in Philip's men-of-war went in 
winter in thousands to catch cod on the Banks of 
Newfoundland. ' Give me five vessels,' the writer 
said, ' and I will go out and sink them all, and the 
galleons shall rot in Cadiz Harbour for want of 
hands to sail them. But decide. Madam, and decide 
quickly. Time flies, and will not return. The, iviiigs 
of man's life are plumed with the feathers of death! 
The Queen did not decide. The five ships 
were not sent, and the poor Castilian sailors 
caught their cod in peace. But in spite of 
herself Elizabeth was driven forward by the 
tendencies of things. The death of the Prince of 
Orange left the States without a Government. 
The Prince of Parma was pressing them hard. 
Without a leader they were lost. They offered 
themselves to Elizabeth, to be incorporated in the 



172 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

English Empire. Tliey said that if sHe refused they 
must either submit to Spain or become provinces 
of France. The Netherlands, whether Spanish 
or French, would be equally dangerous to Eng- 
land. The Netherlands once brought back under 
the Pope, England's turn would come next ; while 
to accept the proposal meant instant and des- 
perate war, both with France and Spain too — for 
France would never allow England again to gain 
a foot on the Continent, Elizabeth knew not what 
to do. She would and she would not. She did 
not accept ; she did not refuse. It was neither No 
nor Yes. Philip, who was as fond of indirect ways 
as herself, proposed to quicken her irresolution. 

The harvest had failed in Galicia, and the 
population were starving. England grew more 
corn than she wanted, and, under a special 
promise that the crews should not be molested, a 
fleet of corn-traders had gone with cargoes of 
grain to Coruna, Bilbao, and Santander. The 
King of Spain, on hearing that Elizabeth was 
treating with the States, issued a sudden order 
to seize the vessels, confiscate the cargoes, and 
imprison the men. The order was executed. 



5.] PARTIES IN THE STATE 173 

One English ship only was lucky enough to 
escape by the adroitness of her commander. The 
'Primrose, of London, lay in Bilbao Roads with a 
captain and fifteen hands. The mayor, on re- 
ceiving the order, came on board to look over the 
ship. He then went on shore for a sufficient 
force to carry out the seizure. After he was gone 
the captain heard of the fate which was intended 
for him. The mayor returned with two boatloads 
of soldiers, stepped up the ladder, touched the 
captain on the shoulder, and told him he was 
a prisoner. The Englishmen snatched pike and 
cutlass, pistol and battleaxe, killed seven or eight 
of the Spanish boarders, threw the rest overboard, 
and flung stones on them as they scrambled into 
their boats. The mayor, who had fallen into the 
sea, caught a rope and was hauled up when the 
fight was over. The cable was cut, the sails 
hoisted, and in a few minutes the Primrose was 
under way for England, with the mayor of Bilbao 
below the hatches. No second vessel got away. 
If Philip had meant to frighten Elizabeth he 
could not have taken a worse means of doing it, 
for he had exasperated that particular part of the 



174 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

English population which was least afraid of him. 
He had broken faith besides, and had seized some 
hundreds of merchants and sailors who had gone 
merely to relieve Spanish distress. EHzabeth, as 
usual, would not act herself. She sent no ships 
from her own navy to demand reparation; but 
she gave the adventurers a free hand. The 
London and Plymouth citizens determined to 
read Spain a lesson which should make an im- 
pression. They had the worst fears for the fate 
of the prisoners ; but if they could not save, they 
could avenge them. Sir Francis Drake, who 
wished for nothing better than to be at work 
again, volunteered his services, and a fleet was 
collected at Pl3mQouth of twenty-five sail, every 
one of them fitted out by private enterprise. No 
finer armament, certainly no better-equipped 
armament, ever left the English shores. The 
expenses were, of course, enormous. Of seamen 
and soldiers there were between two and three 
thousand. Drake's name was worth an army. 
The cost was to be recovered out of the ex- 
pedition somehow; the Spaniards were to be 
made to pay for it; but how or when was 



5.] PARTIES IN THE STATE 175 

left to Drake's judgment. This time there 
was no second in command sent by the 
Mends of Spain to hang upon his arm. By 
universal consent he had the absolute command. 
His instructions were merely to inquire at 
Spanish ports into the meaning of the arrest. 
Beyond that he was left to go where he pleased 
and do what he pleased on his own responsibility. 
The Queen said frankly that if it proved con- 
venient she intended to disown him. Drake had 
no objection to being disowned, so he could teach 
the Spaniards to be more careful how they 
handled Englishmen. What came of it will be 
the subject of the next lecture. Father Parsons 
said the Protestant traders of England had grown 
effeminate and dared not fight. In the ashes of 
their own smoking cities the Spaniards had to 
learn that Father Parsons had misread his 
countrymen. If Drake had been given to heroics 
he might have left Virgil's lines inscribed above 
the broken arms of Castile at St. Domingo : 

En ego victa situ quam veri effeta senectus 
Axma inter regmn falsa formidine ludit : 
Eespice ad hsec. 



LECTURE VI 

THE GREAT EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 

r\UEEN ELIZABETH and her brother-in-law 
of Spain were reluctant champions of oppos- 
ing principles. In themselves they had no wish 
to quarrel, but each was driven forward by fate 
and circumstance — Philip by the genius of the 
Catholic religion, Elizabeth by the enthusiasts 
for freedom and by the advice of statesmen who 
saw no safety for her except in daring. Both 
wished for peace, and refused to see that peace 
was impossible; but both were compelled to 
yield to their subjects' eagerness. Philip had to 
threaten England with invasion ; Elizabeth had 
to show Philip that England had a long arm, 
which Spanish wisdom would do well to fear. It 
was a singular position. Philip had outraged 
orthodoxy and dared the anger of Rome by 



LECT.6.] EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 177 
maintaining an ambassador at Elizabeth's Court 
after her excommunication. He had laboured for 
a reconciliation with a sincerity which his secret 
letters make it impossible to doubt. He had 
condescended even to sue for it, in spite of Drake 
and the voyage of the Pelican; yet he had 
helped the Pope to set Ireland in a flame. He 
had encouraged Elizabeth's Catholic subjects in 
conspiracy after conspiracy. He had approved of 
attempts to dispose of her as he had disposed of 
the Prince of Orange. Elizabeth had retaliated, 
though with half a heart, by letting her soldiers 
volunteer into the service of the revolted Nether- 
lands, by permitting English privateers to plunder 
the Spanish colonies, seize the gold ships, and 
revenge their own wrongs. Each, perhaps, had 
wished to show the other what an open war would 
cost them both, and each drew back when war 
appeared inevitable. 

Events went their way. Holland and Zeeland, 
driven to extremity, had petitioned for incorpora- 
tion with England ; as a counter-stroke and a 
warning, Philip had arrested the English corn 
ships and imprisoned the owners and the crews. 



178 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

Her own fleet was nothing. The safety of the 
English shores depended on the spirit of the 
adventurers, and she could not afford to check 
the anger with which the news was received. To 
accept the offer of the States was war, and war 
she would not have. Herself, she would not act 
at all ; but in her usual way she might let her 
subjects act for themselves, and plead, as Philip 
pleaded in excuse for the Inquisition, that she 
could not restrain them. And thus it was that 
in Se23tember 1585, Sir Francis Drake found 
himself with a fleet of twenty-five privateers and 
2,500 men who had volunteered to serve with 
him under his own command. He had no distinct 
commission. The exjpedition had been fitted out 
as a private undertaking. Neither officers nor 
crews had been engaged for the service of the 
Crown. They received no wages. In the eye of 
the law they were pirates. They were going on 
their own account to read the King of Spain a 
necessary lesson and pay their expenses at the 
King of Spain's cost. Young Protestant England 
had taken fire. The name of Drake set every 
Protestant heart burning, and hundreds of gallant 



6.] EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 179 
gentlemen had pressed in to join. A grandson 
of Burghley had come, and Edward Winter the 
Admiral's son, and Francis Knolles the Queen's 
cousin, and Martin Frobisher, and Christopher 
Carlile. Philip Sidney had wished to make one 
also in the glory ; but Philip Sidney was needed 
elsewhere. The Queen's consent had been won 
from her at a bold interval in her shifting moods. 
The hot fit might pass away, and Burghley sent 
Drake a hint to be off before her humour changed. 
No word was said. On the morning of the 14th 
of September the signal flag was flying from 
Drake's maintop to up anchor and away. Drake, 
as he admitted after, ' was not the most assured 
of her Majesty's perseverance to let them go 
forward.' Past Ushant he would be beyond reach 
of recall. With light winds and calms they 
drifted across the Bay. They fell in with a few 
Frenchmen homeward-bound from the Banks, and 
let them pass uninjured. A large Spanish ship 
which they met next day, loaded with excellent 
fresh salt fish, was counted lawful prize. The fish 
was new and good, and was distributed through 
the fleet. Standing leisurely on, they cleared 



I So ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

Finisterre and came up with the Isles of Bayona, 
at the mouth of Vigo Harbour. They dropped 
anchor there, and ' it was a great matter and a 
royal sight to see them.' The Spanish Governor, 
Don Pedro Bemadero, sent off with some as- 
tonishment to know who and what they were. 
Drake answered with a question whether England 
and Spain were at war, and if not why the 
English merchants had been arrested. Don Pedro 
could but say that he knew of no war, and for 
the merchants an order had come for their release. 
For reply Drake landed part of his force on the 
islands, and Don Pedro, not knowing what to 
make of such visitors, found it best to propitiate 
them with cartloads of wine and fruit. The 
weather, which had been hitherto fine, showed 
signs of change. The wind rose, and the sea 
with it. The anchorage was exposed, and Drake 
sent Christopher Carlile, with one of his ships 
and a few pinnaces, up the harbour to look out 
for better shelter. Their appearance created a 
panic in the town. The alarmed inhabitants 
took to their boats, carrying off their property 
and their Church plate. Carlile, who had a 



6.] EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES i8i 
Calvinistic objection to idolatry, took the liberty 
of detaining part of these treasures. From one 
boat he took a massive silver cross belonging to 
the High Church at Vigo ; from another an image 
of Our Lady, which the sailors relieved of her 
clothes and were said, when she was stripped, 
to have treated with some indignity. Carlile's 
report being satisfactory, the whole fleet was 
brought the next clay up the harbour and moored 
above the town. The news had by this time 
spread into the country. The Governor of Galicia 
came down with all the force which he could 
collect in a hurry. Perhaps he was in time to 
save Yigo itself Perhaps Drake, having other 
aims in view, did not care to be detained over a 
smaller object. The Governor, at any rate, saw 
that the English were too strong for him to 
meddle with. The best that he could look for 
was to persuade them to go away on the easiest 
terms. Drake and he met in boats for a parley. 
Drake wanted water and fresh provisions. Drake 
was to be allowed to furnish himself undisturbed. 
He had secured what he most wanted. He had 
shown the King of Spain that he was not in- 



i82 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

vulnerable in his own home dominion, and he 
sailed away unmolested. Madrid was in con- 
sternation. That the English could dare insult 
the first prince in Europe on the sacred soil of 
the Peninsula itself seemed like a dream. The 
Council of State sat for three days considering 
the meaning of it. Drake's name was already 
familiar in Spanish ears. It was not conceivable 
that he had come only to inquire after the 
arrested ships and seamen. But what could the 
English Queen be about ? Did she not know 
that she existed only by the forbearance of 
Philip ? Did she know the King of Spain's 
force ? Did not she and her people quake ? 
Little England, it was said by some of these 
councillors, was to be swallowed at a mouthful 
by the King of half the world. The old Admiral 
Santa Cruz was less confident about the swallow- 
ing. He observed that England had many teeth, 
and that instead of boasting of Spanish greatness 
it would be better to provide against what she 
might do with them. Till now the corsairs had 
appeared only in twos and threes. With such 
a fleet behind him Drake might go where he 



6.] EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 183 

pleased. He might be going to the South Seas 
again. He might take Madeira if he liked, or 
the Canary Islands. Santa Cruz himself thought 
he would make for the West Indies and Panama, 
and advised the sending out there instantly every 
available ship that they had. 

The gold fleet was Drake's real object. He 
had information that it would be on its way to 
Spain by the Cape de Yerde Islands, and he had 
learnt the time when it was to be expected. From 
Vigo he sailed for the Canaries, looked in at 
Palma, with ' intention to have taken our pleasure 
there,' but found the landing dangerous and the 
to"\vn itself not worth the risk. He ran on to the 
Cape de Verde Islands. He had measured his 
time too narrowly. The gold fleet had arrived 
and had gone. He had missed it by twelve hours, 
' the reason,' as he said with a sigh, ' best known 
to God.' The chance of prize-money was lost, 
but the political purpose of the expedition could 
still be completed. The Cape de Verde Islands 
could not sail away, and a beginning could be 
made with Sant lago. Sant lago was a thriving, 
well-populated town, and down in Drake's book 



1 84 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

as specially needing notice, some Plymouth sailors 
haing been recently murdered there. Christopher 
Carlile, always handy and trustworthy, was put 
on shore with a thousand men to attack the place 
on the undefended side. The Spanish commander, 
the bishop, and most of the people fled, as at 
Vigo, into the mountains with their plate and 
money. Carlile entered without opposition, and 
flew St. George's Cross from the castle as a signal 
to the fleet, Drake came in, landed the rest of 
his force, and took possession. It happened to be 
the 17th of November — the anniversary of the 
Queen's accession — and ships and batteries, dressed 
out with English flags, celebrated the occasion 
with salvoes of cannon. Houses and magazines 
were then searched and plundered. Wine was 
found in large quantities, rich merchandise for 
the Indian trade, and other valuables. Of gold 
and silver nothing — it had all been removed. 
Drake waited for a fortnight, hoping that the 
Spaniards would treat for the ransom of the city. 
When they made no sign, he marched twelve 
miles inland to a village where the Governor and 
the bishop were said to have taken refuge. But 



6.1 EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 185 

the village was found deserted. The Spaniards 
had gone to the mountains, where it was useless 
to follow them, and were too proud to bargain 
with a pirate chief. Sant lago was a beautifully 
built city, and Drake would perhaps have spared 
it ; but a ship-boy who had strayed was found 
murdered and barbarously mutilated. The order 
was given to burn. Houses, magazines, churches, 
public buildings were turned to ashes, and the 
work being finished Drake went on, as Santa 
Cruz expected, for the Spanish West Indies. The 
Spaniards were magnificent in all that they did 
and touched. They built their cities in their new 
possessions on the most splendid models of the 
Old World. St. Domingo and Carthagena had 
their castles and cathedrals, palaces, squares, and 
streets, grand and solid as those at Cadiz and 
Seville, and raised as enduring monuments of the 
power and greatness of the Castilian monarchs. 
To these Drake meant to pay a visit. Beyond them 
was the Isthmus, where he had made his first 
fame and fortune, -with Panama behind, the depot 
of the Indian treasure. So far all had gone well 
with him. He had taken what he wanted out of 



i86 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

Vigo; he had destroyed Sant lago and had not 
lost a man. Unfortunately he had now a worse 
enemy to deal with than Spanish galleons or 
Spanish garrisons. He was in the heat of the 
tropics. Yellow fever broke out and spread 
through the fleet. Of those who caught the 
infection few recovered, or recovered only to be 
the wrecks of themselves. It was swift in its 
work. In a few days more than two hundred had 
died. But the north-east trade blew merrily. 
The fleet sped on before it. In eighteen days 
they were in the roads at Dominica, the island of 
brooks and rivers and fruit. Limes and lemons 
and oranges were not as yet. But there were 
leaves and roots of the natural growth, known to 
the Caribs as antidotes to the fever, and the 
Caribs, when they learnt that the English were 
the Spaniards' enemies, brought them this precious 
remedy and taught them the use of it. The ships 
were washed and ventilated, and the water casks 
refi.lled. The infection seemed to have gone as 
suddenly as it appeared, and again all was well. 

Christmas was kept at St. Eatts, which was 
then uninhabited. A council of war was held to 



6.] EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 187 

consider what should be done next. St. Domingo 
lay nearest to them. It was the finest of all the 
Spanish colonial cities. It was the capital of the 
West Indian Government, the great centre of 
West Indian commerce. In the cathedral, before 
the high altar, lay Columbus and his brother 
Diego. In natural wealth no island in the world 
outrivals Esj^inola, where the city stood. A vast 
population had collected there, far away from 
harm, protected, as they supposed, by the majesty 
of the mother country, the native inhabitants 
almost exterminated, themselves undreaming that 
any enemy could approach them from the oCean, 
and therefore negligent of defence and enjoying 
themselves in easy security. 

Drake was to give them a new experience and 
a lesson for the future. On their way across from 
St. Kitts the adventurers overhauled a small 
vessel bound to the sapae port as they were. From 
the crew of this vessel they learnt that the 
harbour at St. Domingo was formed, like so many 
others in the West Indies, by a long sandspit, 
acting as a natural breakwater. The entrance 
was a narrow inlet at the extremity of the spit, 



1 88 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

and batteries had been mounted there to cover it. 
To land on the outer side of the sandbank was 
made impossible by the surf. There was one 
sheltered point only where boats could go on 
shore, but this was ten miles distant from the 
town. 

Ten miles was but a morning's march. Drake 
went in himself in a pinnace, surveyed the 
landing-place, and satisfied himself of its safety. 
The plan of attack at Sant lago was to be exactly 
repeated. On New Year's Eve Christopher Carlile 
was again landed with half the force in the fleet. 
Drake remained with the rest, and prepared to 
force the entrance of the harbour if Carlile suc- 
ceeded. Their coming had been seen from the 
city. The alarm had been given, and the women 
and children, the money in the treasury, the con- 
secrated plate, movable property of all kinds, were 
sent off inland as a precaution. Of regular troops 
there seem to have been none, but in so populous 
a city there was no difficulty in collecting a re- 
spectable force to defend it. The hidalgos formed a 
body of cavalry. The people generally were unused 
to arms, but they were Spaniards and brave men, 



6.] EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 189 

and did not mean to leave their homes without a 
fight for it. Carlile lay still for the night. He 
marched at eight in the morning on New Year's 
Day, advanced leisurely, and at noon found him- 
self in fi'ont of the wall. So far he had met no 
resistance, but a considerable body of horse — 
gentlemen and their servants chiefly — charged 
down on him out of the bush and out of the town. 
He formed into a square to receive them. They 
came on gallantly, but were received with pike 
and shot, and after a few attempts gave up and 
retired. Two gates were in front of Carlile, with 
a road to each leading through a jungle. At each 
gate were cannon, and the jungle was lined with 
musketeers. He divided his men and attacked 
both together. One party he led in person. The 
cannon opened on him, and an Englishman next 
to him was killed. He dashed on, leaving the 
Spaniards no time to reload, carried the gate at 
a rush, and cut his way through the streets to 
the great square. The second division had been 
equally successful, and St. Domingo was theirs 
excejit the castle, which was still untaken. Carlile's 
numbers were too small to occupy a large city. 



igo ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

He threw up barricades and fortified himself in. 
the square for the night. Drake brought the 
fleet in at daybreak, and landed guns, when the 
castle surrendered. A messenger — a negro boy — 
was sent to the Governor to learn the terms which 
he was prepared to offer to save the city from 
pillage. The Spanish officers were smarting with 
the disgrace. One of them struck the lad through 
the body with a lance. He ran back bleeding to 
the English lines and died at Drake's feet. Sir 
Francis was a dangerous man to provoke. Such 
doings had to be promptly stopped. In the part 
of the town which he occupied was a monastery 
with a number of friars in it. The religious orders, 
he well knew, were the chief instigators of the 
policy which was maddening the world. He sent 
two of these friars with the provost-marshal to 
the spot where the boy had been struck, promptly 
hanged them, and then despatched another to 
tell the Governor that he would hang two more 
every day at the same place till the officer was 
punished. The Spaniards had long learnt to call 
Drake the Draque, the serpent, the devil. They 
feared that the devil might be a man of his word. 



6.] EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 191 

The offender was surrendered. It was not enough. 
Drake insisted that they should do justice on him 
themselves. The Governor found it prudent to 
comply, and the too hasty officer was executed. 

The next point was the ransom of the city. 
The Spaniards still hesitating, 200 men were 
told off each morning to burn, while the rest 
searched the private houses, and palaces, and 
magazines. Government House was the grandest 
building in the New World. It was approached 
by broad flights of marble stairs. Great doors 
opened on a spacious gallery leading into a great 
hall, and above the portico hung the arms of 
Spain — a globe representing the world, a horse 
leaping upon it, and in the horse's mouth a scroll 
with the haughty motto, ' Non sufficit orbis.' 
Palace and scutcheon were levelled into dust by 
axe and gunpowder, and each day for a month 
the destruction went on, Drake's demands steadily 
growing and the unhappy Governor vainly pleading 
impossibility. 

Vandalism, atrocity unheard of among civilised 
nations, dishonour to the Protestant cause, Drake 
deserving to swing at his own yardarm ; so indig- 



192 ENGLISH SEAMEN , [lect. 

nant Liberalism shrieked, and has not ceased 
shrieking. Let it be remembered that for fifteen 
years the Spaniards had been burning English 
seamen whenever they could catch them, plotting 
to kill the Queen and reduce England itself into 
vassaldom to the Pope. The English nation, the 
loyal part of it, were rej)lying to the wild pre- 
tension by the hands of their own admii-al. If 
Philip chose to countenance assassins, if the Holy 
Ofi&ce chose to burn English sailors as heretics, 
those heretics had a right to make Spain under- 
stand that such a game was dangerous, that, as 
Santa Cruz had said, they had teeth and could 
use them. 

It was found in the end that the Governor's 
plea of impossibility was more real than was at 
first believed. The gold and silver had been 
really carried off. All else that was valuable 
had been burnt or taken by the English. The 
destruction of a city so solidly built was tedious 
and difficult. Nearly half of it was blown up. 
The cathedral was spared, perhaps as the resting- 
place of Columbus. Drake had other work before 
him. After staying a month in undisturbed 



6.] EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 193 

occupation he agreed to accept 25,000 ducats as 
a ransom for what was left and sailed away. 

It was now February. The hot season was 
coming on, when the climate would be dangerous. 
There was still much to do and the time was 
running short. Panama had to be left for another 
opportunity. Drake's object was to deal blows 
which would shake the faith of Europe in the 
Spanish power. Carthagena stood next to St. 
Domingo among the Spanish West Indian for- 
tresses. The situation was strong. In 1740 
Carthagena was able to beat off Vernon and a 
great English fleet. But Drake's crews were in 
high health and spiiits, and he determined to see 
what he could do with it. Surprise was no longer 
to be hoped for. The alarm had spread over the 
Caribbean Sea. But in their present humour 
they were ready to go anywhere and dare anything, 
and to Carthagena they went. 

Drake's name carried terror before it. Every 

non-combatant — old men, women and children — • 

had been cleared out before he arrived, but the 

rest prepared for a smart defence. The harbour 

at Carthagena was formed, as at St; Domingo 

o 



194 ■ ENGLISH SEAMEN - [lect. 

and Port Royal, by a sandspit. The spit was 
long, narrow, in places not fifty yards wide, and 
covered with prickly bush, and along this, as 
before, it was necessary to advance to reach the 
city. A trench had been cut across at the neck, 
and a stiff barricade built and armed with heavy 
guns ; behind this were several hundred mus- 
keteers, while the bush was full of Indians with 
poisoned arrows. Pointed stakes — poisoned also 
— had been driven into the ground along the 
approaches, on which to step was death. Two 
large galleys, full of men, patrolled inside the 
bank on the harbour edge, and with these pre- 
parations the inhabitants hoped to keep the 
dreadful Drake from reaching them. Carlile, as 
before, was to do the land fighting. He was set 
on shore three miles down the spit. The tide is 
slight in those seas, but he waited till it was out, 
and advanced along the outer shore at low-water 
mark. He was thus covered by the bank from 
the harbour galleys, and their shots passed over 
him. Two squadrons of horse came out, but could 
do nothing to him on the broken ground. The 
English pushed on to the wall, scarcely losing a 



6.] EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 195 

man. They charged, scaled the parapets, and 
drove the Spanish infantry back at point of pike. 
Carlile killed their commander with his own hand. 
The rest fled after a short struggle, and Drake 
was master of Carthagena. Here for six weeks 
he remained. The Spaniards withdrew out of 
the city, and there were again parleys over the 
ransom money. Courtesies were exchanged among 
the officers. Drake entertained the Governor and 
his suite. The Governor returned the hospitality 
and received Drake and the English captains. 
Drake demanded 100,000 ducats. The Spaniards 
offered 30,000, and protested that they could pay 
no more. The dispute might have lasted longer, 
but it was cut short by the re-appearance of the 
yellow fever in the fleet, this time in a deadlier 
form. The Spanish offer was accepted, and Car- 
thagena was left to its owners. It was time to 
be off, for the heat was telling, and the men 
began to drop with appalling rapidity. Nombre 
de Dies and Panama were near and under their 
lee, and Drake threw longing eyes on what, if 
all else had been well, might have proved an easy 
capture. But on a review of their strength, it 



196 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

was found that there were but 700 fit for duty 
who could be spared for the service, and a council 
of war decided that a march across the Isthmus 
with so small a force was too dangerous to be 
ventured. Enough had been done for glory, 
enough for the political impression to be made in 
Europe. The King of Spain had been dared in 
his own dominions. Three fine Spanish cities 
had been captured by storm and held to ransom. 
In other aspects the success had fallen short of 
expectation. This time they had taken no 
Gacafuego with a year's produce of the mines in 
her hold. The plate and coin had been carried 
off, and the spoils had been in a form not easily 
turned to value. The expedition had been fitted 
out by private persons to pay its own cost. The 
result in money was but 60,000/. Forty thousand 
had to be set aside for expenses. There remained 
but 20,000/. to be shared among the ships' com- 
panies. Men and officers had entered, high and 
low, without wages, on the chance of what they 
might get. The officers and owners gave a 
significant demonstration of the splendid spiiit 
in which they had gone about their work. They 



6.] EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 197 

decided to relinquish their own claims on the 
ransom paid for Carthagena, and bestow the same 
on the common seamen, ' wishing it were so much 
again as would be a sufficient reward for their 
painful endeavour.' 

Thus all were well satisfied, conscious all that 
they had done their duty to their Queen and 
country. The adventurers' fleet turned home- 
wards at the beginning of April. What men 
could do they had achieved. They could not 
fight against the pestilence of the tropics. For 
many days the yellow fever did its deadly work 
among them, and only slowly abated. They were 
delayed by calms and unfavourable winds. Their 
water ran short. They had to land again at 
Cape Antonio, the western point of Cuba, and 
sink wells to supply themselves. Drake himself, 
it was observed, worked with spade and bucket, 
like the meanest person in the whole company, 
always foremost where toil was to be endured or 
honour won, the wisest in the devising of enter- 
prises, the calmest in danger, the first to set an 
example of energy in difficulties, and, above all, 
the firmest in maintaining order and discipline. 



igS ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

The fever slackened as they reached the cooler 
latitudes. They worked their way up the Bahama 
Channel, going north to avoid the trades. The 
French Protestants had been attempting to 
colonise in Florida. The Spaniards had built a 
fortress on the coast, to observe their settlements 
and, as occasion offered, cut Huguenot throats. 
As he passed by Drake paid this fortress a visit 
and wiped it out. Farther north again he was 
in time to save the remnant of an English settle- 
ment, rashly planted there by another brilliant 
servant of Queen Elizabeth. 

Of all the famous Elizabethans Sir Walter 
Raleigh is the most romantically interesting. His 
splendid and varied gifts, his chequered fortunes, 
and his cruel end, will embalm his memory in 
English history. But Raleigh's great accomplish- 
ments promised more than they performed. His 
hand was in everything, but of work successfully 
completed he had less to show than others far 
his inferiors, to whom fortune had offered fewer 
opportunities. He was engaged in a hundred 
schemes at once, and in every one of them there 
was always some taint of self, some personal 



6.] EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 199 

ambition or private object to be gained. His 
life is a record of undertakings begun in enthu- 
siasm, maintained imperfectly, and failures in the 
end. Among his other adventures he had sent 
a colony to Virginia. He had imagined, or had 
been led by others to believe, that there was an 
Indian Court there brilliant as Montezuma's, an 
enlightened nation crying to be admitted within 
the charmed circle of Gloriana's subjects. His 
princes and princesses proved things of air, 
or mere Indian savages ; and of Raleigh there 
remains nothing in Virginia save the name of the 
city which is called after him. The starving 
survivors of his settlement on the Roanoke River 
were taken on board by Drake's returning 
squadron and carried home to England, where 
they all arrived safely, to the glory of God, as 
our pious ancestors said and meant in uncon- 
ventional sincerity, on the 28th of July, 1586. 
The expedition, as I have said, barely paid its 
cost. In the shape of wages the officers received 
nothing, and the crews but a few pounds a man ; 
but there was, perhaps, not one of them who was 
not better pleased with the honour which he had 



200 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

brought back than if he had come home loaded 
with doubloons. 

Startled Catholic Europe meanwhile rubbed 
its eyes and began to see that the ' enterprise of 
England/ as the intended invasion was called, 
might not be the easy thing which the seminary 
priests described it. The seminary priests had 
said that so far as England was Protestant at all 
it was Protestant only by the accident of its 
Government, that the immense majority of the 
people were Catholic at heart and were thirsting 
for a return to the fold, that on the first appear- 
ance of a Spanish army of deliverance the whole 
edifice which Elizabeth had raised would crumble 
to the ground, I suppose it is true that if the 
world had then been advanced to its present 
point of progress, if there had been then recog- 
nised a Divine right to rule in the numerical 
majorit}^, even without a Spanish army the 
seminary priests would have had their way. 
Elizabeth's Parliaments were controlled by the 
municipalities of the towns, and the towns were 
Protestant. A Parliament chosen by universal 
suffrage and electoral districts would have sent 



6.] EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 201 

Cecil and Walsingham into private life or to the 
scaffold, replaced the Mass in the churches, and 
reduced the Queen, if she had been left on the 
throne, into the humble servant of the Pope and 
Philip. It would not perhaps have lasted, but 
that, so far as I can judge, would have been the 
immediate result, and instead of a Reformation 
we should have had the light come in the shape 
of lightning. But I have often asked my Radical 
friends what is to be done if out of every hundred 
enlightened voters two-thirds will give their 
votes one way, but are afraid to fight, and the 
remaining third will not only vote but will 'fight 
too if the poll goes against them ? "Which has 
then the right to rule ? I can tell them which 
will rule. The brave and resolute minority will 
rule. Plato says that if one man was stronger 
than all the rest of mankind he would rule all 
the rest of mankind. It must be so, because 
there is no appeal. The majority must be 
prepared to assert their Divine right with their 
right hands, or it will go the way that other 
Divine rights have gone before. I will not believe 
the world to have been so ill-constructed that 



202 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

there are rights which cannot be enforced. It 
appears to me that the true right to rule in any 
nation lies with those who are best and bravest^ 
whether their numbers are large or small ; and 
three centuries ago the best and bravest part of 
this English nation had determined, though they 
were but a third of it, that Pope and Spaniard 
should be no masters of theirs. Imagination goes 
for much in such excited times. To the imagin- 
ation of Europe in the sixteenth century the 
power of Spain appeared irresistible if she chose 
to exert it. Heretic Dutchmen might rebel in 
a remote province, English pirates might take 
liberties with Spanish traders, but the Prince 
of Parma was making the Dutchmen feel their 
master at last. The pirates were but so many 
wasps, with venom in their stings, but powerless 
to affect the general tendencies of things. Except 
to the shrewder eyes of such men as Santa Cruz 
the strength of the English at sea had been left 
out of count in the calculations of the resources 
of Elizabeth's Government. Suddenly a fleet of 
these same pirates, sent out, unassisted by their 
sovereign, by the private impulse of a few indi- 



6.] EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 203 

viduals, had insulted the sacred soil of Spain 
herself, sailed into Vigo, pillaged the churches, 
taken anything that they required, and had gone 
away unmolested. They had attacked, stormed, 
burnt, or held to ransom three of Spain's proudest 
colonial cities, and had come home unfought with. 
The Catholic conspirators had to recognise that 
they had a worse enemy to deal with than Puritan 
controversialists or spoilt Court favourites. The 
Protestant English mariners stood between them 
and their prey, and had to be encountered on an 
element which did not bow to popes or princes, 
before Mary Stuart was to wear Elizabeth's crown 
or Cardinal Allen be enthroned at Canterbury. 
It was a revelation to all parties. Elizabeth 
herself had not expected — ^perhaps had not wished 
— so signal a success. War was now looked on 
as inevitable. The Spanish admirals represented 
that the national honour required revenge for an 
injury so open and so insolent. The Pope, who 
had been long goading the lethargic Philip into 
action, believed that now at last he would be 
compelled to move; and even Philip himself, 
enduring as he was, had been roused to perceive 



204 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

that intrigues and conspiracies would serve his 
turn no longer. He must put out his strength 
in earnest, or his own Spaniards might turn upon 
him as unworthy of the crown of Isabella. Very 
reluctantly he allowed the truth to be brought 
home to him. He had never liked the thought 
of invading England. If he conquered it, he 
would not be allowed to keep it. Mary Stuart 
would have to be made queen, and Mary Stuart 
was part French, and might be wholly French. 
The burden of the work would be thrown entirely 
on his shoulders, and his own reward was to be 
the Church's blessing and the approval of his 
own conscience — nothing else, so far as he could 
see. The Pope would recover his annates, his 
Peter's pence, and his indulgence market. 

If the thing was to be done, the Pope, it was 
clear, ought to pay part of the cost, and this was 
what the Pope did not intend to do if he could 
help it. The Pope was flattering himself that 
Drake's performance would compel Spain to go 
to war with England whether he assisted or did 
not. In this matter Philip attempted to un- 
deceive his Holiness. He instructed Olivarez, his 



6.] EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 205 

ambassador at Rome, to tell the Pope that nothing 
had been yet done to him by the English which 
he could not overlook, and unless the Pope would 
come down with a handsome contribution peace 
he would make. The Pope stormed and raged ; 
ho said he doubted whether Phihp was a true son 
of the Church at all ; he flung plates and dishes 
at the servants' heads at dinner. He said that if 
he gave Philip money Philip would put it in his 
pocket and laugh at him. Not one maravedi 
would he give till a Spanish army was actually 
landed on English shores, and from this resolution 
he was not to be moved. 

To Philip it was painfully certain that if he 
invaded and conquered England the English 
Catholics would insist that he must make Mary 
Stuart queen. He did not like Mary Stuart. He 
disapproved of her character. He distrusted her 
promises. Spite of Jesuits and seminary priests, 
he believed that she was still a Frenchwoman at 
heart, and a bad woman besides. Yet something 
he must do for the outraged honour of Castile. 
He concluded, in his slow way, that he would 
collect a fleet, the largest and best-appointed that 



2o5 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 6. 

had ever floated on the sea. He would send or 
lead it in person to the English Channel. He 
would command the situation with an over- 
whelming force, and then would choose some 
course which would be more convenient to himself 
than to his Holiness at Rome. On the whole he 
was inclined to let Elizabeth continue queen, and 
forget and forgive if she would put away her 
Walsinghams and her Drakes, and would promise 
to be good for the future. If she remained 
obstinate his great fleet would cover the passage 
of the Prince of Parma's army, and he would then 
dictate his own terms in London. 



LECTURE VII 

ATTACK ON CADIZ 

T RECOLLECT being told when a boy, on 
sending in a bad translation of Horace, that I 
ought to remember that Horace was a man of 
intelligence and did not write nonsense. The 
same caution should be borne in mind by students 
of history. They see certain things done by kings 
and statesmen which they believe they can inter- 
pret by assuming such persons to have been 
knaves or idiots. Once an explanation given from 
the baser side of human nature, they assume that 
it is necessarily the right one, and they make 
their Horace into a fool without a misgiving that 
the folly may lie elsewhere. Remarkable men 
and women have usually had some rational motive 
for their conduct, which may be discovered, if we 
look for it with our eyes open. 



2o8 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

Nobody has suffered more from bad translators 
than Elizabeth. The circumstances of Queen 
Elizabeth's birth, the traditions of her father, the 
interests of England, and the sentiments of the 
party who had sustained her claim to the succession, 
obliged her on coming to the throne to renew the 
separation from the Papacy. The Church of Eng- 
land was re-established on an Anglo-Catholic 
basis, which the rival factions might interpret 
each in their own way. To allow more than one 
form of public worship would have led in the 
heated temper of men's minds to quarrels and 
civil wars. But conscience might be left free 
under outward conformity, and those whom the 
Liturgy did not suit might use their own 
ritual in their private houses. Elizabeth and her 
wise advisers believed that if her subjects could 
be kept from fighting and killing one another, 
and were not exasperated by outward displays of 
difference, they would learn that righteousness of 
life was more important than orthodoxy, and to 
estimate at their real value the rival dogmas of 
theology. Had time permitted the experiment 
to have a fair trial, it would perhaps have sue- 



7-] ATTACK ON CADIZ 209 

ceeded, but, unhappily for the Queen and for 
England, the fire of controversy was still too hot 
under the ashes. Protestants and Catholics had 
been taught to look on one another as enemies of 
God, and were still reluctant to take each other's 
hands at the bidding of an Act of Parliament. The 
more moderate of the Catholic laity saw no differ- 
ence so great between the English service and the 
Mass as to force them to desert the churches 
where their fathers had worshipped for centuries. 
They petitioned the Council of Trent for permis- 
sion to use the English Prayer Book ; and had the 
Council consented, religious dissension would have 
dissolved at last into an innocent difference of 
opinion. But the Council and the Pope had 
determined that there should be no compromise 
with heresy, and the request was refused, though 
it was backed by Philip's ambassador in London. 
The action of the Papacy obliged the Queen to 
leave the Administration in the hands of Protes- 
tants, on whose loyalty she could rely. As the 
struggle with the Reformation spread and deep- 
ened she was compelled to assist indirectly the 
Protestant party in France and Scotland. But 



2IO ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

she still adhered to her own principle ; she refused 
to put herself at the head of a Protestant League. 
She took no step without keeping open a line of 
retreat on a contrary policy. She had Catholics 
in her Privy Council who were pensioners of 
Spain. She filled her household with Catholics, 
and many a time drove Burghley distracted by 
listening to them at critical moments. Her con- 
stant effort was to disarm the antagonism of the 
adherents of the old belief, by admitting them 
to her confidence, and showing them that one jjart 
of her subjects was as dear to her as another. 

For ten years she went on struggling. For 
ten years she was proudly able to say that during 
all that time no Catholic had suffered for his 
belief either in purse or person. The advanced 
section of the Catholic clergy was in despair. 
They saw the consciences of their flocks be- 
numbed and their faith growing lukewarm. They 
stirred up the rebellion of the North. They per- 
suaded Pius V. to force them to a sense of their 
duties by declaring Elizabeth excommunicated. 
They sent their missionaries through the English 
counties to recover sheep that were straying, 



7.] ATTACK ON CADIZ 211 

and teach the sin of submission to a sovereign 
whom the Pope had deposed. Then had followed 
the Ridolfi plot, deliberately encouraged by the 
Pope and Spain, which had compelled the 
Government to tighten the reins. One conspiracy 
had followed another. Any means were held 
legitimate to rid the world of an enemy of God. 
The Queen's character was murdered by the foulest 
slanders, and a hundred daggers were sharpened 
to murder her person. The King of Spain had 
not advised the excommunication, because he 
knew that he would be expected to execute it, and 
he had other things to do. When called on to 
act, he and Alva said that if the English Catholics 
wanted Spanish help they must do something for 
themselves. To do the priests justice, they were 
brave enough. What they did, and how- far they 
had succeeded in making the country disaffected. 
Father Parsons has told you in the paper which 
I read to you in a former lecture. Elizabeth 
refused to take care of herself. She would show 
no distrust. She would not dismiss the Catholic 
ladies and gentlemen from the household. She 
would allow no penal laws to be enforced 



212 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

against Catholics as such. Repeated conspiracies 
to assassinate her were detected and exposed, 
but she would take no warning. She would 
have no bodyguard. The utmost that she would 
do was to allow the Jesuits and seminary priests, 
who, by Parsons's own acknowledgment, were 
sowing rebellion, to be banished the realm, and 
if they persisted in remaining afterwards, to 
be treated as traitors. When executions are 
treated as martyrdoms, candidates will never be 
wanting for the crown of glory, and the flame 
only burnt the hotter. Tyburn and the quartering 
knife was a horrid business, and Elizabeth sick- 
ened over it. She hated the severity which she 
was compelled to exercise. Her name was defiled 
with the grossest calumnies. She knew that she 
might be murdered any day. For herself she was 
proudly indifferent ; but her death would and 
must be followed by a furious civil war. She 
told the Privy Council one day after some stormy 
scene, that she would come back afterwards and 
amuse herself with seeing the Queen of Scots 
making their heads fly. 

Philip was weary of it too. He had enough to 



7.] ATTACK ON CADIZ 213 

do in ruling his own dominions without quarrelling 
for ever with his sister-in-law. He had seen that 
she had subjects, few or many, who, if he struck, 
would strike back again. English money and 
English volunteers were keeping alive the war 
in the Netherlands. English privateers had 
plundered his gold ships, destroyed his commerce, 
and burnt his West Indian cities — all this in the 
interests of the Pope, who gave him fine words in 
plenty, but who, when called on for money to help 
in the English conquest, only flung about his 
dinner-plates. The Duke of Alva, while he was 
alive, and the Prince of Parma, who commanded 
in the Netherlands in Alva's place, advised peace 
if peace could be had on reasonable terms. If 
Elizabeth would consent to withdraw her help 
from the Netherlands, and would allow the English 
Catholics the tacit toleration with which her reign 
had begun, they were of opinion, and Philip was 
of opinion too, that it would be better to forgive 
Drake and St. Domingo, abandon Mary Stuart 
and the seminary priests, and meddle no more 
with English internal politics. 

Tired with a condition which was neither war 



214 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

nor peace, tired with hanging traitors and the 
endless problem of her sister of Scotland, Elizabeth 
saw no reason for refusing offers which would leave 
her in peace for the rest of her own life. Philip, 
it was said, would restore the Mass in the churches 
in Holland. She might stipulate for such liberty 
of conscience to the Holland Protestants as she 
was herself willing to allow the English Catholics. 
She saw no reason why she should insist on a 
liberty of public worship which she had herself 
forbidden at home. She did not see why the 
Hollanders should be so precise about hearing 
Mass. She said she would rather hear a thousand 
Masses herself than have on her conscience the 
crimes committed for the Mass or against it. She 
would not have her realm in perpetual torment 
for Mr. Cecil's brothers in Christ. 

This was Elizabeth's personal feeling. It 
could not be openly avowed. The States might 
then surrender to Philip in despair, and obtain 
better securities for their political liberties than 
she was ready to ask for them. They might then 
join the Spaniards and become her mortal enemies. 
But she had a high opinion of her own statecraft. 



7.] ATTACK ON CADIZ 215 

Her Catholic friends assured her that, once at 
peace with Philip, she would be safe from all the 
world. At this moment accident revealed suddenly 
another chasm which was opening unsuspected 
at her feet. 

Both Philip and she were really wishing for 
peace. A treaty of peace between the Catholic 
King and an excommunicated princess would end 
the dream of a Catholic revolution in England. 
If the English peers and gentry saw the censures 
of the Church set aside so lightly by the most 
orthodox prince in Europe, Parsons and his 
friends would preach in vain to them the obliga- 
tion of rebellion. If this deadly negotiation 
was to be broken off, a blow must be struck, 
and struck at once. There was not a moment 
to be lost. 

The enchanted prisoner at Tutbury was the 
sleeping and waking dream of Catholic chivalry. 
The brave knight who would slay the dragon, 
deliver Mary Stuart, and place her on the 
usurper's throne, would outdo Orlando or St. 
George, and be sung of for ever as the noblest 
hero who had ever wielded brand or spear. Many 



2i6 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

a young British heart had thrilled with hope that 
for him the enterprise was reserved. One of these 
was a certain Anthony Babington, a gentleman 
of some fortune in Derbyshire. A seminary priest 
named Ballard, excited, like the rest, by the need 
of action, and anxious to prevent the peace, fell 
in with this Babington, and thought he had 
found the man for his work. Elizabeth dead 
and Mary Stuart free, there would be no more 
talk of peace. A plot was easily formed. Half 
a dozen gentlemen, five of them belonging to or 
connected with Elizabeth's own household, were 
to shoot or stab her and escape in the confusion ; 
Babington was to make a dash on Mary Stuart's 
prison-house and carry her off to some safe place ; 
while Ballard undertook to raise the Catholic 
peers and have her proclaimed queen. Elizabeth 
once removed, it was supposed that they would 
not hesitate. Parma would bring over the 
Spanish army from Dunkirk. The Protestants 
would be paralysed. All would be begun and 
ended in a few weeks or even days. The Catholic 
religion would be re-established and the hated 
heresy would be trampled out for ever. Mary 



7.] ATTACK ON CADIZ 217 

Stuart had been consulted and had enthusiastic- 
ally agxeed. 

This interesting lady had been lately profuse 
in her protestations of a desire for reconciliation 
with her dearest sister. Elizabeth had almost 
believed her sincere. Sick of the endless trouble 
with Mary Stuart and her pretensions and schem- 
ings, she had intended that the Scotch queen 
should be included in the treaty with Philip, 
with an implied recognition of her right to suc- 
ceed to the English throne after Elizabeth's death. 
It had been necessary, however, to ascertain in 
some way whether her protestations were sincere. 
A secret watch had been kept over her corre- 
spondence, and Babington's letters and her own 
answers had fallen into Walsingham's hands. 
There it all was in her own cipher, the key to 
which had been betrayed by the carelessness of a 
confederate. The six gentlemen who were to 
have rewarded Elizabeth's confidence by killing 
her were easily recognised. They were seized, 
with Babington and Ballard, Avhen they imagined 
themselves on the eve of their triumph. Babing- 
ton flinched and confessed, and they were all 



2i8 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

hanged. Mary Stuart herself had outworn com- 
passion. Twice already on the discovery of her 
earlier plots the House of Commons had petitioned 
for her execution. For this last piece of treachery 
she was tried at Fotheringay before a commission 
of Peers and Privy Councillors. She denied her 
letters, but her complicity was proved beyond a 
doubt. Parliament was called, and a third time 
insisted that the long drama should now be ended 
and loyal England be allowed to breathe in peace. 
Elizabeth signed the warrant. France, Spain, 
any other power in the world would have long 
since made an end of a competitor so desperate 
and so incurable. Torn by many feelings — 
natural pity, dread of the world's opinion — 
Elizabeth paused before ordering the warrant to 
be executed. If nothing had been at stake but 
her own life, she would have left the lady to weave 
fresh plots and at last, perhaps, to succeed. If 
the nation's safety required an end to be made 
with her, she felt it hard that the duty should be 
thrown on herself. Where were all those eager 
champions who had signed the Association Bond, 
who had talked so loudly ? Could none of them 



7.] ATTACK ON CADIZ 219 

be found to recollect their oaths and take the law 
into their own hands ? 

Her Council, Burghley, and the rest, knowing 
her disposition and feeling that it was life or 
death to English liberty, took the responsibility 
on themselves. They sent the warrant down to 
Fotheringay at their own risk, leaving their 
mistress to deny, if she pleased, that she had 
meant it to be executed ; and the wild career of 
Mary Stuart ended on the scaffold. 

They knew what they were immediately 
doing. They knew that if treason had a mean- 
ing Mary Stuart had brought her fate upon her- 
self They did not, perhaps, realise the full 
effects that were to follow, or that with Mary 
Stuart had vanished the last serious danger of 
a Catholic insurrection in England ; or perhaps 
they did realise it, and this was what decided 
them to act. 

I cannot dwell on this here. As long as there 
was a Catholic j)rincess of English blood to suc- 
ceed to the throne, the allegiance of the Catholics 
to Elizabeth had been easily shaken. If she was 
spared now, every one of them would look on her 



220 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

as their future sovereign. To overthrow Elizabeth 
might mean the loss of national independence. 
The Queen of Scots gone, they were paralysed 
by divided counsels, and love of country proved 
stronger than their creed. 

What concerns us specially at present is the 
effect on the King of Spain. The reluctance of 
Philip to undertake the English enterprise (the 
' empresa,' as it was generally called) had arisen 
from a fear that when it was accomplished he 
would lose the fruit of his labours. He could 
never assure himself that if he placed Mary 
Stuart on the throne she would not become 
eventually French. He now learnt that she 
had bequeathed to himself her claims on the 
English succession. He had once been titular 
King of England. He had pretensions of his 
own, as in the descent from Edward III. The 
Jesuits, the Catholic enthusiasts throughout 
Europe, assured him that if he would now take 
up the cause in earnest, he might make England 
a province of Spain. There were still difficulties. 
He might hope that the English Catholic laity 
would accept him, but he could not be sure of it. 



J.] ATTACK ON CADIZ 221 

He could not be sure that he would have the 
support of the Pope. He continued, as the 
Conde de Feria said scornfully of him, ' meando 
en vado,' a phrase which I cannot translate ; it 
meant hesitating when he ought to act. But he 
saw, or thought he saw, that he could now take a 
stronger attitude towards Elizabeth as a claimant 
to her throne. If the treaty of peace was to go 
forward, he could raise his terms. He could in- 
sist on the restoration of the Catholic religion in 
England. The States of the Low Countries had 
made over five of their strongest towns to Eliza- 
beth as the price of her assistance. He could 
insist on her restoring them, not to the States, 
but to himself. Could she be brought to consent 
to such an act of perfidy, Parma and he both 
felt that the power would then be gone from 
her, as effectually as Samson's when his locks 
were clipped by the harlot, and they could leave 
her then, if it suited them, on a throne which 
would have become a pillory — for the finger of 
scorn to point at. 

With such a view before him it was more than 
ever necessary for Philip to hurry forward the 



222 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

preparations which he had already com- 
menced. The more formidable he could make 
himself, the better able he would be to frighten 
Elizabeth into submission. 

Every dockyard in Spain was set to work, 
building galleons and collecting stores. Santa 
Cruz would command. Philip was himself more 
resolved than ever to accompany the expedition 
in person and dictate from the English Channel 
the conditions of the pacification of Europe. 

Secrecy was no longer attempted — indeed, 
was no longer possibe. All Latin Christendom 
was palpitating with expectation. At Lisbon, at 
Cadiz, at Barcelona, at Naples, the shipwrights 
were busy night and day. The sea was covered 
with vessels freighted with arms and provisions 
streaming to the mouth of the Tagus. Catholic 
volunteers from all nations flocked into the 
Peninsula, to take a share in the mighty move- 
ment which was to decide the fate of the world, 
and bishops, priests, and monks were set praying 
through the whole Latin Communion that 
Heaven would protect its own cause. 

Meantime the negotiations for peace con- 



7.] ATTACK ON CADIZ 223 

tinued, and Elizabeth, strange to say, persisted 
in listening. She would not see what was plain 
to all the world besides. The execution of the 
Queen of Scots lay on her spirit and threw her 
back into the obstinate humour which had made 
Walsingham so often despair of her safety. For 
two months after that scene at Fotheringay she 
had refused to see Burghley, and would consult 
no one but Sir James Crofts and her Spanish- 
tempered ladies. She knew that Spain now 
intended that she should betray the towns in the 
Low Countries, yet she was blind to the infamy 
which it would bring upon her. She left her 
troops there without their wages to shiver into 
mutiny. She named commissioners, with Sir 
James Crofts at their head, to go to Ostend and 
treat with Parma, and if she had not resolved on 
an act of treachery she at least played with the 
temptation, and persuaded herself that if she 
chose to make* over the towns to Philip, she would 
be only restoring them to their lawful owner. 

Burghley and Walsingham, you can see from 
their letters, believed now that Elizabeth had 
ruined herself at last. Happily her moods were 



224 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

variable as the weather. She was forced to see 
the condition to which she had reduced her 
affairs in the Low Countries by the appearance of 
a number of starving wretches who had deserted 
from the garrisons there and had come across to 
clamour for their pay at her own palace gates. 
If she had no troops in the field but a mutinous 
and starving rabble, she might get no terms at 
all. It might be well to show Philip that on one 
element at least she could still be dangerous. 
She had lost nothing by the bold actions of 
Drake and the privateers. With half a heart she 
allowed Drake to fit them out again, take the 
BuonaventtLTa, a ship of her own, to carry his flag, 
and go down to the coast of Spain and see what 
was going on. He was not to do too much. She 
sent a vice-admiral with him, in the Lion, to be 
a check on over-audacity. Drake knew how to 
deal with embarrassing vice-admirals. His own 
adventurers would sail, if he ordered, to the 
Mountains of the Moon, and be quite certain that 
it was the right place to go to. Once under way 
and on the blue water he would go his own 
course and run his own risks. Cadiz Harbour 



7.] ATTACK ON CADIZ 225 

was thronged with transports, provision ships, 
powder vessels — a hundred sail of them — -many of 
a thousand tons and over, loading with stores for 
the Armada. There were thirty sail of adven- 
turers, the smartest ships afloat on the ocean, 
and sailed by the smartest seamen that ever 
handled rope or tiller. Something might be done 
at Cadiz if he did not say too much about it. 
The leave had been given to him to go, but he 
knew by experience, and Burghley again warned 
him, that it might, and probably would, be re- 
voked if he waited too long. The moment was 
his own, and he used it. He was but just in 
time. Before his sails were under the horizon a 
courier galloped into Plymouth with orders that 
under no condition was he to enter port or haven 
of the King of Spain, or injure Spanish subjects. 
What else was he going out for? He had 
guessed how it would be. Comedy or earnest he 
could not tell. If earnest, some such order would 
be sent after him, and he had not an instant to 
lose. 

He sailed on the morning of the 1 2th of April. 
Off Ushant he fell in with a north-west gale, and 



226 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

he flew on, spreading every stitch of canvas which 
his spars would bear. In five days he was at Cape 
St. Vincent. On the i8th he had the white 
houses of Cadiz right in front of him, and could 
see for himself the forests of masts from the 
ships and transports with which the harbour was 
choked. Here was a chance for a piece of 
service if there was courage for the venture. 
He signalled for his officers to come on board 
the Buonaventura. There before their eyes was, 
if not the Armada itself, the materials which 
were to fit the Armada for the seas. Did they 
dare to go in with him and destroy them ? There 
were batteries at the harbour mouth, but Drake's 
mariners had faced Spanish batteries at St, 
Domingo and Carthagena and had not found them 
very formidable. Go in ? Of course they would. 
Where Drake would lead the corsairs of Plymouth 
were never afraid to follow. The vice-admiral 
pleaded danger to her Majesty's ships. It was 
not the business of an English fleet to be particu- 
lar about danger. Straight in they went with a 
fair wind and a flood tide, ran past the batteries 
and under a storm of shot, to which they did not 



7,] , ATTACK ON CADIZ 227 

trouble themselves to wait to reply. The poor 
vice-admiral followed reluctantly in the Lio%. A 
single shot hit the Lion, and he edged away out 
of range, anchored, and drifted to sea again with 
the ebb. But Drake and all the rest dashed on, 
sank the guardship — a large galleon — and sent 
flying a fleet of galleys which ventured too near 
them and were never seen again. 

Further resistance there was none — absolutely 
none. The crews of the store ships escaped in 
their boats to land. The governor of Cadiz, the 
same Duke of Medina Sidonia who the next year 
was to gain a disastrous immortality, fled ' like a 
tall gentleman ' to raise troops and prevent Drake 
from landing. Drake had no intention of landing. 
At his extreme leisure he took possession of the 
Spanish shipping, searched every vessel, and 
carried off everything that he could use. He de- 
tained as prisoners the few men that he found on 
board, and then, after doing Ms work deliberately 
and completely, he set the hulls on fire, cut the 
cables, and left them to drive on the rising tide 
under the walls of the town — a confused mass of 
blazing ruin. On the 1 2th of April he had sailed 



228 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

from Plymouth ; on the 19th he entered Cadiz 
Harbour ; on the ist of May he passed out again 
without the loss of a boat or a man. He said in 
jest that he had singed the King of Spain's beard 
for him. In sober prose he had done the King 
of Spain an amount of damage which a million 
ducats and a year's labour would imperfectly 
replace. The daring rapidity of the enterprise 
astonished Spain, and astonished Europe more 
than the storm of the West Indian towns. The 
English had long teeth, as Santa Cruz had told 
Philip's council, and the teeth would need drawing 
before Mass would be heard again at Westminster. 
The Spaniards were a gallant race, and a dashing 
exploit, though at their own expense, could be 
admired by the countrymen of Cervantes. ' So 
praised,' we read, 'was Drake for his valour 
among them, that they said that if he was not a 
Lutheran there would not be the like of him in 
the world.' A Court lady was invited by the King 
to join a party on a lake near Madrid. The lady 
replied that she dared not trust herself on the 
water with his Majesty lest Sir Francis Drake 
should have her. 



7.] ATTACK ON CADIZ 229 

Drake might well be praised. But Drake 
would have been the first to divide the honour 
with the comrades who were his arm and hand. 
Great admirals and generals do not win their 
battles single-handed like the heroes of romance. 
Orders avail only when there are men to execute 
them. Not a captain, not an officer who served 
under Drake, ever flinched or blundered. Never 
was such a school for seamen as that twenty 
years' privateering war between the servants of 
the Pope and the West-country Protestant 
adventurers. Those too must be remembered 
who built and rigged the ships in which they 
sailed and fought their battles. We may depend 
upon it that there was no dishonesty in con- 
tractors, no scamping of the work in the yards 
where the Plymouth rovers were fitted out for 
sea. Their hearts were in it ; they were soldiers 
of a common cause. 

Thi-ee weeks had sufficed for Cadiz. No order 
for recall had yet arrived. Drake had other plans 
before him, and the men were in high spirits and 
ready for anything. A fleet of Spanish men-of- 
war was expected round from the Mediterranean. 



230 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

He proposed to stay for a week or two in the 
neighbourhood of the Straits, in the hope of 
falling in with them. He wanted fresh water, 
too, and had to find it somewhere. 

Before leaving Cadiz Roads he had to decide 
what to do with his prisoners. Many English 
were known to be in the hands of the Holy Office 
working in irons as galley slaves. He sent in a 
pinnace to propose an exchange, and had to wait 
some days for an answer. At length, after a 
reference to Lisbon, the Spanish authorities 
replied that they had no English j)risoners. If 
this was true those they had must have died 
of barbarous usage ; and after a consultation with 
his officers Sir Francis sent in word that for the 
future such prisoners as they might take would 
be sold to the Moors, and the money applied to 
the redemption of English captives in other parts 
of the world. 

Water was the next point. There were springs 
at Faro, with a Spanish force stationed there to 
guard them. Force or no force, water was to be 
had. The boats were sent on shore. The boats' 
crews stormed the forts and filled the casks. The 



7.] ATTACK ON CADIZ 231 

vice-admiral again lifted up liis voice. The 
Queen had ordered that there was to be no 
landing on Spanish soil. At Cadiz the order had 
been observed. There had been no need to land. 
Here at Faro there had been direct defiance of 
her Majesty's command. He became so loud in 
his clamours that Drake found it necessary to 
lock him up in his own cabin, and at length to 
send him home with his ship to complain. For 
himself, as the expected fleet from the Straits did 
not appear, and as he had shaken off his trouble- 
some second in command, he proceeded leisurely 
up the coast, intending to look in at Lisbon and 
see for himself how things were going on there. 
All along as he went he fell in with traders 
loaded with supplies for the use of the Armada, 
All these he destroyed as he advanced, and at 
length found himself under the purple hills of 
Cintra and looking up into the Tagus. There 
lay gathered together the strength of the fighting 
naval force of Spain — fifty great galleons, already 
anived, the largest war-ships which then floated 
on the ocean. Santa Cruz, the best ojfficer in the 
Spanish navy, was himself in the town and in 



232 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

command. To venture a repetition of the Cadiz 
exploit in the face of such odds seemed too 
desperate even for Drake, but it was one of those 
occasions when the genius of a great commander 
sees more than ordinary eyes. He calculated, 
and, as was proved afterwards, calculated rightly, 
that the galleons would be half manned, or 
not manned at all, and crowded with landsmen 
bringing on board the stores. Their sides as 
they lay would be choked with hulks and lighters. 
They would be unable to get their anchors up, 
set their canvas, or stir from their moorings. 
Daring as Drake was known to be, no one would 
expect him to go with so small a force into the 
enemy's stronghold, and there would be no pre- 
parations to meet him. He could count upon the 
tides. The winds at that season of the year were 
fresh and steady, and could be counted on also to 
take him in or out ; there was sea room in the 
river for such vessels as the adventures' to man- 
oeuvre and to retreat if overmatched. Rash as 
such an enterprise might seem to an unprofessional 
eye, DraKe certainly thought of it, perhaps had 
meant to try it in some form or other and so make 



7.] ATTACK ON CADIZ 233 

an end of the Spanish invasion of England. He 
could not venture without asking first for his 
mistress's permission. He knew her nature. He 
knew that his services at Cadiz would outweigh 
his disregard of her orders, and that so far he had 
nothing to fear; but he knew also that she was 
still hankermg after peace, and that without her 
leave he must do nothing to make peace im- 
possible. There is a letter from him to the 
Queen, written when he was lying off Lisbon, 
very characteristic of the time and the man. 

Nelson or Lord St. Vincent did not talk much 
of expecting supernatural assistance. If they 
had we should susjDect them of using language 
conventionally which they would have done better 
to leave alone. Sir Francis Drake, like his other 
great contemporaries, believed that he was engaged 
in a holy cause, and was not afraid or ashamed to 
say so. His object was to protest against a recall 
in the flow of victory. The Spaniards, he said, 
were but mortal men. They were enemies of 
the Truth, upholders of Dagon's image, which 
had fallen in other days before the Ark, and 
would fall again if boldly defied. So long as he 



234 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

had ships that would float, and there was food on 
board them for the men to eat, he entreated her 
to let him stay and strike whenever a chance was 
offered him. The continuing to the end yielded 
the true glory. When men were serving religion 
and their country, a merciful God, it was likely, 
would give them victory, and Satan and his angels 
should not prevail. 

All in good time. Another year and Drake 
would have the chance he wanted. For the 
moment Satan had prevailed — Satan in the shape 
of Elizabeth's Catholic advisers. Her answer 
came. It was warm and generous. She did not, 
could not, blame him for what he had done so 
far, but she desired him to provoke the King of 
Spain no further. The negotiations for peace 
had opened, and must not be interfered with. 

This prohibition from the Queen prevented, 
perhaps, what would have been the most remark- 
able exploit in English naval history. As matters 
stood it would have been perfectly possible for 
Drake to have gone into the Tagus, and if he 
could not have burnt the galleons he could cer- 
tainly have come away unhurt. He had guessed 



7.] ATTACK ON CADIZ 235 

their condition with entire correctness. The 
ships were there, but the ships' companies were 
not on board them. Santa Cruz himself admitted 
that if Drake had gone in he could have himself 
done nothing ' por falta de gente ' (for want of 
men). And Drake undoubtedly would have gone, 
and would have done something with which all 
the world would have rung, but for the positive 
command of his mistress. He lingered in the 
roads at Cintra, hoping that Santa Cruz would 
come out and meet him. All Spain was clamour- 
ing at Santa Cruz's inaction. Philip wrote to 
stir the old admiral to energy. He must not 
allow himself to be defied by a squadron of in- 
solent rovers. He must chase them off the coast 
or destroy them. Santa Cruz needed no stirring. 
Santa Cruz, the hero of a hundred fights, was 
chafing at his own impotence ; but he was obliged 
to tell his master that if he wished to have 
service out of his galleons he must provide 
crews to handle them, and they must rot at 
their anchors till he did. He told him, more- 
over, that it was time for him to exert himself 
in earnest. If he waited much longer, England 



236 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

would have grown too strong for him to deal 
with. 

In strict obedience Drake ought now to have 
gone home, but the campaign had brought so far 
more glory than prize-money. His comrades re- 
quired some consolation for their disappointment 
at Lisbon. The theory of these armaments of 
the adventurers was that the cost should be paid 
somehow by the enemy, and he could be assured 
that if he brought back a prize or two in which 
she could claim a share the Queen would not call 
him to a very strict account. Homeward-bound 
galleons or merchantmen were to be met with 
occasionally at the Azores. On leaving Lisbon 
Drake headed away to St. Michael's, and his 
lucky star was still in the ascendant. 

As if sent on purpose for him, the ^an FMli'p, 
a magnificent caraque from the Indies, fell 
straight into his hands, ' so richly loaded,' it was 
said, 'that every man in the fleet counted his 
fortune made.' There was no need to wait for 
more. It was but two months since Drake had 
sailed from Plymouth. He could now go home 
after a cruise of which the history of his own or 



7.] ATTACK ON CADIZ 237 

any other country had never presented the like. 
He had struck the King of Spain in his own 
stronghold. He had disabled the intended 
Armada for one season at least. He had picked 
up a prize by the way and as if by accident, 
worth half a million, to pay his expenses, so that 
he had cost nothing to his mistress, and had 
brought back a handsome present for her. I 
doubt if such a naval estimate was ever presented 
to an English House of Commons. Above all 
he had taught the self-confident Spaniard to be 
afraid of him, and he carried back his poor com- 
rades in such a glow of triumph that they would 
have fought Satan and all his angels with Drake 
at their head. 

Our West-country annals still tell how the 
country people streamed down in their best 
clothes to see the great 8an Philip towed into 
Dartmouth Harbour. English Protestantism was 
no bad cable for the nation to ride by in those 
stormy times, and deserves to be honourably 
remembered in a School of History at an English 
University. 



LECTURE VIII 

SAILING OF THE ARMADA 

T)EACE or war between Spain and England, 
that was now the question, with a prospect 
of securing the English succession for himself or 
one of his daughters. With the whole Spanish 
nation smarting under the indignity of the burn- 
ing of the ships at Cadiz, Philip's warlike ardour 
had warmed into something like fire. He had 
resolved at any rate, if he was to forgive his 
sister-in-law at all, to insist on more than toler- 
ation for the Catholics in England. He did not 
contemplate as even possible that the English 
privateers, however bold or dexterous, could resist 
such an armament as he was preparing to lead 
to the Channel. The Royal Navy, he knew very 
well, did not exceed twenty-five ships of all sorts 
and sizes. The adventurers might be equal to 



LECT, 8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 239 

sudden daring actions, but would and must be 
crushed by such a fleet as was being fitted out 
at Lisbon. He therefore, for himself, meant to 
demand that the Catholic religion should be 
restored to its complete and exclusive superiority, 
and certain towns in England were to be made 
over to be garrisoned by Spanish troops as securi- 
ties for Elizabeth's good behaviour. As often 
happens with irresolute men, when they have 
once been forced to a decision they are as too 
hasty as before they were too slow. After Drake 
had retired from Lisbon the King of Spain sent 
orders to the Prince of Parma not to wait for the 
arrival of the Armada, but to cross the Channel 
immediately with the Flanders army, and bring 
Elizabeth to her knees. Parma had more sense 
than his master. He represented that he could 
not cross without a fleet to cover his passage. 
His transport barges would only float in smooth 
water, and whether the water was smooth or 
rough they could be sent to the bottom by half 
a dozen English cruisers from the Thames. Sup- 
posing him to have landed, either in Thanet or 
other spot, he reminded Philip that he could not 



240 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

have at most more than 25,000 men with him. 
The English militia were in training. The Jesuits 
said they were disaffected, but the Jesuits might 
be making a mistake. He might have to fight 
more than one battle. He would have to leave 
detachments as he advanced to London, to cover 
his communications, and a reverse would be fatal. 
He would obey if his Majesty persisted, but he 
recommended Philip to continue to amuse the 
English with the treaty till the Armada was 
ready, and, in evident consciousness that the 
enterprise would be harder than Philip imagined, 
he even gave it as his own opinion still (notwith- 
standing Cadiz), that if Elizabeth would surrender 
the cautionary towns in Flanders to Spain, and 
would grant the English Catholics a fair degree 
of liberty, it would be Philip's interest to make 
peace at once without stipulating for further 
terms. He could make a new war if he wished 
at a future time, when circumstances might be 
more convenient and the Netherlands revolt 
subdued. 

To such conditions as these it seemed that 
Elizabeth was inclining to consent. The towns 



8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 241 

had been trusted to her keeping by the Nether- 
landers. To give them up to the enemy to make 
better conditions for herself would be an infamy 
so great as to have disgraced Elizabeth for ever ; 
yet she would not see it. She said the towns 
belonged to Philip and she would only be restor- 
ing his own to him. Burghley bade her, if she 
wanted peace, send back Drake to the Azores 
and frighten Philip for his gold ships. She was 
in one of her ungovernable moods. Instead of 
sending out Drake again she ordered her own 
fleet to be dismantled and laid up at Chatham, 
and she condescended to apologise to Parma for 
the burning of the transports at Cadiz as done 
against her orders. 

This was in December 158/5 only five months 
before the Armada sailed from Lisbon. Never 
had she brought herself and her country so near 
ruin. The entire safety of England rested at 
that moment on the adventurers, and on the 
adventurers alone. 

Meanwhile, with enormous effort the destruc- 
tion at Cadiz had been repaired. The great fleet 
was pushed on, and in February Santa Cruz 



R 



242 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

reported himself almost ready. Santa Cruz and 
Philip, however, were not in agreement as to 
what should be done. Santa Cruz was a fighting 
admiral, Philip was not a fighting king. He 
changed his mind as often as Elizabeth. Hot 
fits varied with cold. His last news from England 
led him to hope that fighting would not be 
wanted. The Commissioners were sitting at 
Ostend. On one side there were the formal 
negotiations, in which the surrender of the towns 
was not yet treated as an open question. Had 
the States been aware that Elizabeth was even 
in thought entertaining it, they would have made 
terms instantly on their own account and left 
her alone in the cold. Besides this, there was a 
second negotiation underneath, carried on by 
private agents, in which the surrender was to 
be the special condition. These complicated 
schemings Parma purposely protracted, to keep 
Elizabeth in false security. She had not deliber- 
ately intended to give up the towns. At the last 
moment she would have probably refused, unless 
the States themselves consented to it as part of 
a general settlement. But she was playing with 



8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 243 

the idea. The States, she thought, were too 
obstinate. Peace would be good for them, and 
she said she might do them good if she pleased, 
whether they liked it or not. 

Parma was content that she should amuse 
herself with words and neglect her defences by 
sea and land. By the end of February Santa 
Cruz was ready. A northerly wind blows strong 
down the coast of Portugal in the spring months, 
and he meant to be off before it set in, before the 
end of March at latest. Unfortunately for Spain, 
Santa Cruz fell ill at the last moment — ill, it was 
said, with anxiety. Santa Cruz knew well enough 
what Philip would not know — that the expedition 
would be no holiday parade. He had reason 
enough to be anxious if Philip was to accompany 
him and tie his hands and embarrass him. Any- 
way, Santa Cruz died after a few days' illness. 
The sailing had to be suspended till a new com- 
mander could be decided on, and in the choice 
which Philip made he gave a curious proof of 
what he intended the expedition to do. He did 
not really expect or wish for any serious fighting. 
He wanted to be sovereign of England again, 



244 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

with the assent of the English Catholics. He 
did not mean, if he could help it, to irritate the 
national pride by force and conquest. While 
Santa Cruz lived, Spanish public opinion would 
not allow him to be passed over. Santa Cruz 
must command, and Philip had resolved to go 
with him, to prevent too violent proceedings. 
Santa Cruz dead, he could find someone who 
would do what he was told, and his own presence 
would no longer be necessary. 

The Duke of Medina Sidonia, named El 
Bueno, or the Good, was a grandee of highest 
rank. He was enormously rich, fond of hunting 
and shooting, a tolerable rider, for the rest a 
harmless creature getting on to forty, conscious 
of his defects, but not aware that so great a 
prince had any need to mend them ; without 
vanity, without ambition, and most happy when 
lounging in his orange gardens at San Lucan. 
Of active service he had seen none. He was 
Captain-General of Andalusia, and had run away 
from Cadiz when Drake came into the harbour ; 
but that was all. To his astonishment and to 
his dismay he learnt that it was on him that the 



8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 245 

choice had fallen to be the Lord High Admiral 
of Spain and commander of the so much talked 
of expedition to England. He protested his 
unfitness. He said that he was no seaman ; that 
he knew nothing of fighting by sea or land ; that 
if he ventured out in a boat he was always sick ; 
that he had never seen the English Channel ; and 
that, as to politics, he neither knew anything nor 
cared anything about them. In short, he had not 
one qualification which such a post required. 

Philip liked his modesty; but in fact the 
Duke's defects were his recommendations. He 
would obey his instructions, would not fight unless 
it was necessary, and would go into no rash 
adventures. All that Philip wanted him to do 
was to find the Prince of Parma, and act as Parma 
should bid him. As to seamanship, he would 
have the best officers in the navy under him ; 
and for a second in command he should have Don 
Diego de Valdez, a cautious, silent, sullen old 
sailor, a man after Philip's own heart. 

Doubting, hesitating, the Duke repaired to 
Lisbon. There he was put in better heart by a 
nun, who said Our Lady had sent her to promise 



246 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

him success. Every part of the service was new 
to him. He was a fussy, anxious little man ; set 
himself to inquire into everything, to meddle with 
things which he could not understand and had 
better have left alone. He ought to have left 
details toi the responsible heads of departn^ents. 
He fancied that in a week or two he could look 
himself into everything. There were 130 ships, 
8,000 seamen, 19,000 Spanish infantry, with 
gentlemen volunteers, officers, priests, surgeons^ 
galley slaves — at least 3,000 more — provisioned 
for six months. Then there were the ships' stores, 
arms small and great, powder, spars, cordage, 
canvas, and such other million necessities as ships 
on service need. The whole of this the poor 
Duke took on himself to examine into, and, as he 
could not understand what he saw, and knew not 
what to look at, nothing was examined into at all. 
Everyone's mind was, in fact, so much absorbed 
by the spiritual side of the thing that they could 
not attend to vulgar commonplaces. Don Quixote, 
when he set out on his expedition, and forgot 
money and a change of linen, was not in a state 
of wilder exaltation than Catholic Europe at the 



8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 247 

sailing of the Armada. Every noble family in 
Spain had sent one or other of its sons to fight 
for Christ and Our Lady, 

For three years the stream of prayer had been 
ascending from church, cathedral, or oratory. 
The King had emptied his treasury. The hidalgo 
and the tradesman had offered their contributions. 
The crusade against the Crescent itself had not 
kindled a more intense or more sacred enthusiasm. 
All pains were taken to make the expedition 
spiritually worthy of its purpose. No impure 
thing, specially no impure woman, was to approach 
the yards or ships. Swearing, quarrelling, gamb- 
ling, were prohibited under terrible penalties. The 
galleons were named after the apostles and saints 
to whose charge they were committed, and every 
seaman and soldier confessed and communicated 
on going on board. The shipboys at sunrise 
were to sing their Buenos Dias at the foot of the 
mainmast, and their Ave Maria as the sun sank 
into the ocean. On the Imperial banner were 
embroidered the figures of Christ and His Mother, 
and as a motto the haughty ' Plus Ultra ' of 
Charles V. was replaced with the more pious 



248 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

aspiration, ' Exsurge, Deus, et vindica causam 
tuam.' 

Nothing could be better if the more vulgar 
necessities had been looked to equally well. Un- 
luckily, Medina Sidonia had taken the inspection 
of these on himself, and Medina Sidonia was un- 
able to correct the information which any rascal 
chose to give him. 

At length, at the end of April, he reported 
himself satisfied. The banner was blessed in the 
cathedral, men and stores all on board, and the 
Invincible Armada prepared to go upon its way. 
No wonder Philip was confident. A hundred and 
thirty galleons, from 1,300 to 700 tons, 30,000 
fighting men, besides slaves and servants, made 
up a force which the world might well think 
invincible. The guns were the weakest part. 
There were twice as many as the English ; but 
they were for the most part nine and six pounders, 
and with but fifty rounds to each. The Spaniards 
had done their sea fighting hitherto at close range, 
grappling and trusting to musketry. They were 
to receive a lesson about this before the summer 
was over. But Philip himself meanwhile expected 



8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 249 

evidently that he would meet with no opposition. 
Of priests he had provided 1 80 ; of surgeons and 
surgeons' assistants eighty-five only for the whole 
fleet. 

In the middle of May he sent down his last 
orders. The Duke was not to seek a battle. If 
he fell in with Drake he Avas to take no notice of 
him, but thank God, as Dogberry said to the 
watchman, that he was rid of a knave. He was 
to go straight to the North Foreland, there anchor 
and communicate with Parma. The experienced 
admirals who had learnt their trade under Santa 
Cruz — Martinez de Recalde, Pedro de Valdez, 
Miguel de Oquendo— strongly urged the securing 
Plymouth or the Isle of Wight on then* way up 
Channel. This had evidently been Santa Cruz's 
own design, and the only rational one to have 
followed. Philip did not see it. He did not 
believe it would prove necessary; but as to this 
and as to fighting he left them, as he knew he 
must do, a certain discretion. 

The Duke then, flying the sacred banner on 
the Ban Martin, dropped down the Tagus on the 
14th of May, followed by the whole fleet. The 



2SO ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

San Martin had been double-timbered with oak, 
to keep the shot out. He liked his business no 
better. In vain he repeated to himself that it 
was God's cause. God would see they came to 
no harm. He was no sooner in the open sea than 
he found no cause, however holy, saved men from 
the consequences of their own blunders. They 
were late out, and met the north trade wind, as 
Santa Cruz had foretold. 

They drifted to leeward day by day till they 
had dropped down to Cape St. Vincent. Infinite 
pains had been taken with the spiritual state of 
everyone on board. The carelessness or roguery 
of contractors and purveyors had not been thought 
of The water had been taken in three months 
before. It was found foul and stinking. The 
salt beef, the salt pork, and fish were putrid, the 
bread full of maggots and cockroaches. Cask was 
opened after cask. It was the same story every- 
where. They had to be all thrown overboard. 
In the whole fleet there was not a sound morsel 
of food but biscuit and dried fruit. The men 
went down in hundreds with dysentery. The 
Duke bewailed his fate as innocently as Sancho 



8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 251 

Panza. He hoped God would help. He had 
Avished no harm to anybody. He had left his 
home and his family to please the King, and he 
trusted the King would remember it. He wrote 
piteously for fresh stores, if the King would not 
have them all perish. The admirals said they 
could go no further without fresh water. All was 
dismay and confusion. The wind at last fell 
round south, and they made Finisterre. It then 
came on to blow, and they were scattered. The 
Duke with half the fleet crawled into Corunna, 
the crews scarce able to man the yards and trying 
to desert in shoals; 

The missing ships dropped in one by one, but 
a week passed and a third of them were still 
absent. Another despairing letter went off from 
the Duke to his master. He said that he con- 
cluded from their misfortunes that God disapproved 
of the expedition, and that it had better be 
abandoned. Diego Florez was of the same 
opinion. The stores were worthless, he said. 
The men were sick and out of heart. Nothing 
could be done that season. 

It was not by flinching at the first sight of 



252 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

difficulty that the Spaniards had become masters 
of half the world. The old comrades of Santa 
Cruz saw nothing in what had befallen them 
beyond a common accident of sea life. To 
abandon at the first check an enterprise under- 
taken with so much pretence, they said, would be 
cowardly and dishonourable. Ships were not lost 
because they were out of sight. Fresh meat and 
bread could be taken on board from Coruima. 
They could set up a shore hospital for the sick. 
The sickness was not dangerous. There had been 
no deaths. A little energy and all would be well 
again. Pedro de Valdez despatched a courier to 
Philip to entreat him not to listen to the Duke's 
croakings. Philip returned a speedy answer 
telling the Duke not to be frightened at shadows. 
There was nothing, in fact, really to be alarmed 
at. Fresh water took away the dysentery. Fresh 
food was brought in from the country. Galician 
seamen filled the gaps made by the deserters. 
The ships were laid on shore and scraped and 
tallowed. Tents were pitched on an island in 
the harbour, with altars and priests, and every- 
one confessed again and received the Sacrament. 



8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 253 

' This,' wrote the Duke, ' is great riches and a 
precious jewel, and all now are well content and 
cheerful.' The scattered flock had reassembled. 
Damages were all . repaired, and the only harm 
had been loss of time. Once more, on the 23rd 
of July, the Armada in full numbers was under 
way for England and streaming across the Bay 
of Biscay with a fair wind for the mouth of the 
Channel. 

Leaving the Duke for the moment, we must 
now glance at the preparations made in England 
to receive him. It might almost be said that 
there were none at all. The winter months had 
been wild and changeable, but not so wild and 
not so fluctuating as the mind of England's 
mistress. In December her fleet had been paid 
off at Chatham. The danger of leaving the 
country without any regular defence was pressed 
on her so vehemently that she consented to allow 
part of the ships to be recommissioned. The 
Revenge was given to Drake. He and Howard, 
the Lord Admiral, were to have gone with a 
mixed squadron from the Royal Navy and the 
adventurers down to the Spanish coast. In every 



254 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

loyal subject there had long been but one opinion, 
that a good open war was the only road to an 
honourable peace. The open war, they now 
trusted, was come at last. But the hope was 
raised only to be disappointed. With the news 
of Santa Cruz's death came a report which 
Elizabeth greedily believed, that the Armada 
was dissolving and was not coming at all. Sir 
James Crofts sang the usual song that Drake and 
Howard wanted war, because war was their trade. 
She recalled her orders. She said that she was 
assured of peace in six weeks, and that beyond 
that time the services of the fleet would not be 
required. Half the men engaged were to be 
dismissed at once to save their pay. Drake and 
Lord Henry Seymour might cruise with four 
or five of the Queen's ships between Plymouth 
and the Solent. Lord Howard was to remain in 
the Thames with the rest. I know not whether 
swearing was interdicted in the English navy as 
well as in the Spanish, but I will answer for it 
that Howard did not spare his language when 
this missive reached him. ' Never,' he said ' since 
England was England was such a stratagem 



8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 255 

made to deceive us as this treaty. We have not 
hands left to caiTy the ships back to Chatham. 
We are like bears tied to a stake ; the Spaniards 
may come to worry us like dogs, and we cannot 
hurt them.' 

It was well for England that she had other 
defenders than the wildly managed navy of the 
Queen. Historians tell us how the gentlemen of 
the coast came out in their own vessels to meet 
the invaders. Come they did, but who were they ? 
Ships that could fight the Spanish galleons were 
not made in a day or a week. They were built 
already. They were manned by loyal subjects, 
the business of whose lives had been to meet the 
enemies of their land and faith on the wide ocean 
— ^not by those who had been watching with 
divided hearts for a Catholic revolution. 

March went by, and sure intelligence came 
that the Armada was not dissolving. Again 
Drake prayed the Queen to let him take the 
Mevenge and the Western adventurers down to 
Lisbon ; but the commissioners wrote fiill of hope 
from Ostend, and Elizabeth was afraid ' the King 
of Spain might take it ill.' She found fault with 



256 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

Drake's expenses. She charged him with wasting 
her ammunition in target practice. She had it 
doled out to him in driblets, and allowed no more 
than would serve for a day and a half s service. 
She kept a sharp hand on the victualling houses. 
April went, and her four finest ships — the 
Triumph, the Victory, the Elizabeth Jonas, and 
the Bear — were still with sails unbent, ' keeping 
Chatham church.' She said they would not be 
wanted and it would be waste of money to refit 
them. Again she was forced to yield at last, and 
the four ships were got to sea in time, the 
workmen in the yards making up for the delay ; 
but she had few enough when her whole fleet 
was out upon the Channel, and but for the 
privateers there would have been an ill reckoning 
when the trial came. The Armada was coming 
now. There was no longer a doubt of it. Lord 
Henry Seymour was left with five Queen's ships 
and thirty London adventurers to watch Parma 
and the Narrow Seas. Howard, carrying his own 
flag in the Arh Pialeigh, joined Drake at Plymouth 
with seventeen others. 

Still the numbing hand of his mistress pursued 



8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 257 

him. Food supplies had been issued to the 
middle of June, and no more was to be allowed. 
The weather was desperate — wildest summer ever 
known. The south-west gales brought the 
Atlantic rollers into the Sound. Drake lay 
inside, perhaps behind the island which bears his 
name. Howard rode out the gales under Mount 
Edgecumbe, the days going by and the provisions 
wasting. The rations were cut down to make 
the stores last longer. Owing to the many 
changes the crews had been hastily raised. They 
were ill-clothed, ill-provided every way, but they 
complained of nothing, caught fish to mend their 
mess dinners, and prayed only for the speedy 
coming of the enemy. Even Howard's heart 
failed him now. English sailors would do what 
could be done by man, but they could not fight 
with famine. ' Awake, Madam,' he wrote to the 
Queen, ' awake, for the love of Christ, and see the 
villainous treasons round about you.' He goaded 
her into ordering supplies for one more month, 
but this was to be positively the last. The 
victuallers inquired if they should make further 
preparations. She answered peremptorily, ' No ' ; 



2S8 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

and again the weeks ran on. The contractors, it 
seemed, had caught her spirit, for the beer which 
had been furnished for the fleet turned sour, and 
those who drank it sickened. The officers, on 
their own responsibility, ordered wine and arrow- 
root for the sick out of Plymouth, to be called 
to a sharp account when all was over. Again the 
rations were reduced. Four weeks' allowance 
was stretched to serve for six, and still the 
Spaniards did not come. So England's forlorn 
hope was treated at the crisis of her destiny. 
The preparations on land were scarcely better. 
The militia had been called out. A hundred 
thousand men had given their names, and the 
stations had been arranged where they were to 
assemble if the enemy attempted a landing. But 
there were no reserves, no magazines of arms, no 
stores or tents, no requisites for an army save the 
men themselves and what local resources could 
furnish. For a general the Queen had chosen 
the Earl of Leicester, who might have the merit 
of fidelity to herself, but otherwise was the 
worst fitted that she could have found in her 
whole dominions; and the Prince of Parma was 



8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 259 

coming, if he came at all, at the head of the 
best-provided and best-disciplined troops in 
Europe. The hope of England at that moment 
was in her patient suffering sailors at Plymouth. 
Each morning they looked out passionately for 
the Spanish sails. Time was a worse enemy than 
the galleons. The six weeks would be soon gone, 
and the Queen's ships must then leave the seas 
if the crews were not to starve. Drake had 
certain news that the Armada had sailed. Where 
was it ? Once he dashed out as far as Ushant, 
but turned back, lest it should pass him in the 
night and find Plymouth undefended ; and smaller 
grew the messes and leaner and paler the seamen's 
faces. Still not a man murmured or gave in. 
They had no leisure to be sick. 

The last week of July had now come. There 
were half-rations for one week more, and powder 
for two days' fighting. That was all. On so light 
a thread such mighty issues were now depending. 
On Friday, the 23rd, the Armada had started for 
the second time, the numbers undiminished; 
religious fervour burning again, and heart and 
hope high as ever. Saturday, Sunday, and 



z6o ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

Monday they sailed on with a smooth sea and 
soft south winds, and on Monday night the Duke 
found himself at the Channel mouth with all his 
flock about him. Tuesday morning the wind 
shifted to the north, then backed to the west, and 
blew hard. The sea got up, broke into the stern 
galleries of the galleons, and sent the galleys 
looking for shelter in French harbours. The fleet 
hove to for a couple of days, till the weather 
mended. On Friday afternoon they sighted the 
Lizard and formed into fighting order ; the Duke 
in the centre, Alonzo de Leyva leading in a vessel 
of his own called the Rata Goronada, Don Martin 
de Recalde covering the rear. The entire line 
stretched to about seven miles. 

The sacred banner was run up to the masthead 
of the San Martin. Each ship saluted with all 
her guns, and every man — officer, noble, seaman, 
or slave — knelt on the decks at a given signal to 
commend themselves to Mary and her Son. We 
shall miss the meaning of this high epic story if 
we do not realise that both sides had the most 
profound conviction that they were fighting the 
battle of the Almighty. Two principles, freedom 



8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 261 

and authority, were contending for the guidance 
of mankind. In the evening the Duke sent off 
two fast liy-boats to Parma to announce his 
arrival in the Channel, with another reporting 
progress to Philip, and saying that till he heard 
from the Prince he meant to stop at the Isle of 
Wight. It is commonly said that his officers 
advised him to go in and take Plymouth. There 
is no evidence for this. The island would have 
been a far more useful position for them. 

At dark that Friday night the beacons were 
seen blazing all up the coast and inland on the 
tops of the hills. They crej^t on slowly through 
Saturday, with reduced canvas, feeling their way 
— not a sail to be seen. At midnight a pinnace 
brought in a fishing-boat, from which they learnt 
that on the sight of the signal fires the English 
had come out that morning from Plymouth. 
Presently, when the moon rose, they saw sails 
passing between them and the land. With day- 
break the whole scene became visible, and the 
curtain lifted on the first act of the drama. The 
Armada was between Kame Head and the Eddy- 
stone, or a little to the west of it. Plymouth Spund 



262 . ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

was right open to their left. The breeze, which 
had dropped in the night, was freshening from the 
south-west, and right ahead of them, outside the 
Mew Stone, were eleven ships manoeuvring to 
recover the wind. Towards the land were some 
forty others, of various sizes, and this formed, as 
far as they could see, the whole English force. In 
numbers the Spaniards were nearly three to one. 
In the size of the ships there was no comparison. 
With these advantages the Duke decided to 
engage, and a signal was made to hold the wind 
and keep the enemy apart. The eleven ships 
ahead were Howard's squadron ; those inside were 
Drake and the adventurers. With some surprise 
the Spanish officers saw Howard reach easily to 
windward out of range and join Drake. The 
whole English fleet then passed out close-hauled 
in line behind them and swept along their rear, 
using guns more powerful than theirs and pouring 
in broadsides from safe distance with deadly effect. 
Recalde, with Alonzo de Leyva and Oquendo, who 
came to his help, tried desperately to close ; but 
they could make nothing of it. They were out- 
sailed and out-cannoned. The English fired five 



S.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 263 

shots to one of theirs, and the effect was the more 
destructive because, as with Rodney's action at 
Dominica, the galleons were crowded with troops, 
and shot and splinters told terribly among them. 

The experience was new and not agreeable. 
Recalde's division was badly cut up, and a Spaniard 
present observes that certain officers showed cow- 
ardice — a hit at the Duke, who had kept out of 
fire. The action lasted till four in the afternoon. 
The wind was then freshening fast and the sea 
rising. Both fleets had by this time passed the 
Sound, and the Duke, seeing that nothing could 
be done, signalled to bear away up Channel, the 
English following two miles astern. Recalde's 
own ship had been an especial sufferer. She was 
observed to be leaking badly, to drop behind, and 
to be in danger of capture. Pedro de Valdez wore 
round to help him in the Ga^pitana, of the Anda- 
lusian squadron, fouled the Santa Catalina in 
turning, broke his bowsprit and foretopmast, and 
became unmanageable. The Andalusian Capi- 
tana was one of the finest ships in the Spanish 
fleet, and Don Pedro one of the ablest and most 
popular commanders. She had 500 men on 



264 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

board, a large sum of money, and, among other 
treasures, a box of jewel-hilted swords, which 
Philip was sending over to the English Catholic 
peers. But it was growing dark. Sea and sky 
looked ugly. The Duke was flurried, and signalled 
to go on and leave Don Pedro to his fate. Alonzo 
de Leyva and Oquendo rushed on board the 8an 
Martin to protest. It was no use. Diego Florez 
said he could not risk the safety of the fleet for a 
single officer. The deserted Capitana made a 
brave defence, but could not save herself, and 
fell, with the jewelled swords, 50,000 ducats, 
and a welcome sujDply of powder, into Drake's 
hands. 

Off the Start there was a fresh disaster. Every- 
one was in ill-humour. A quarrel broke out be- 
tween the soldiers and seamen in Oquendo's 
galleon. He was himself still absent. Some 
wretch or other flung a torch into the powder 
magazine and jumped overboard. The deck was 
blown off, and 200 men along with it. 

Two such accidents following an unsuccessful 
engagement did not tend to reconcile the 
Spaniards to the Duke's command. Pedro de 



S.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 265 

Valdez was universally loved and honoured, 
and his desertion in the face of an enemy so 
inferior in numbers was regarded as scandalous 
poltroonery. Monday morning broke heavily. 
The wind was gone, but there was still a consider- 
able swell. The English were hull down behind. 
The day was sj)ent in repairing damages and nail- 
ing lead over the shot-holes. Recalde was moved 
to the front, to be out of harm's way, and De 
Leyva took his post in the rear. 

At sunset they were outside Portland. The 
English had come up within a league ; but it was 
now dead calm, and they drifted apart in the tide. 
The Duke thought of nothing, but at midnight 
the Spanish officers stirred him out of his sleep to 
urge him to set his great galleasses to work ; now 
was their chance. The dawn brought a chance 
still better, for it brought an east wind, and the 
Spaniards had now the weather-gage. Could they 
once close and grapple with the English ships, 
their superior numbers would then assure them a 
victory, and Howard, being to leeward and inshore, 
would have to pass through the middle of the 
Spanish line to recover his advantage. However, 



266 . ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

it was the same stoiy. The Spaniards could not 
use an opportunity when they had one. New- 
modelled for superiority of sailing, the English 
ships had the same advantage over the galleons as 
the steam cruisers would have over the old three- 
deckers. While the breeze held they went where 
they pleased. The Spaniards were out-sailed, out- 
matched, crushed by guns of longer range than 
theirs. Their own shot flew high over the low 
English hulls, while every ball found its way 
through their own towering sides. This time the 
y^an Martin was in the thick of it. Her double 
timbers were ripped and torn ; the holy standard 
was cut in two ; the water poured through the 
shot-holes. The men lost their nerve. In such 
ships as had no gentlemen on board notable signs 
were observed of flinching. 

At the end of that day's fighting the English 
powder gave out. Two days' service had been the 
limit of the Queen's allowance. Howard had 
pressed for a more liberal supply at the last 
moment, and had received the characteristic 
answer that he must state precisely how much he 
wanted before more could be sent. The lighting 



8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 267 

of the beacons had quickened the official pulse a/ 
little. A small addition had been despatched to 
Weymouth or Poole, and no more could be done 
till it arrived. The Duke, meanwhile, was left to 
smooth his ruffled plumes and drift on upon his 
way. But by this time England was awake. 
Fresh privateers, with powder, meat, bread, fruit, 
anything that they could bring, were pouring out 
from the Dorsetshire harbours. Sir George Carey 
had come from the Needles in time to share the 
honours of the last battle, ' round shot,' as he said, 
'flying thick as musket balls in a skirmish on 
land.' 

The Duke had observed uneasily from the 
^an Mai'tin's deck that his pursuers were growing 
numerous. He had made up his mind definitely 
to go for the Isle of Wight, shelter his fleet in the 
Solent, land 10,000 men in the island, and stand 
on his defence till he heard from Parma. He 
must fight another battle ; but, cut up as he had 
been, he had as yet lost but two ships, and those 
by accident. He might fairly hope to force his 
way in with help from above, for which he had 
special reason to look in the next engagement. 



268 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

Wednesday was a breathless calm. The English 
were taking in their supplies. The Armada lay 
still, repairing damages. Thursday would be St. 
Dominic's Day. St. Dominic belonged to the 
Duke's own family, and was his patron saint. St. 
Dominic he felt sure, would now stand by his 
kinsman. 

The morning broke with a light air. The 
English would be less able to move, and with the 
help of the galleasses he might hope to come to 
close quarters at last. Howard seemed inclined 
to give him his wish. With just wind enough to 
move the Lord Admiral led in the Arh Baleigh 
straight down on the Spanish centre. The Arh 
outsailed her consorts and found herself alone 
with the galleons all round her. At that moment 
the wind dropped. The Spanish boarding- 
parties were at their posts. The tojDS were 
manned with musketeers, the grappling irons 
all prepared to fling into the Aries rigging. In 
imagination the English admiral was their own. 
But each day's experience was to teach them a 
new lesson. Eleven boats dropped from the ArKs 
sides and took her in tow. The breeze rose again 



8,] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 269 

as she began to move. Her sails filled, and 
she slipped away through the water, leaving 
the Spaniards as if they were at anchor, staring 
in helpless amazement. The wind brought up 
Drake and the rest, and then began again the 
terrible cannonade from which the Armada had 
already suffered so frightfully. It seemed that 
morning as if the English were using guns of 
even heavier metal than on either of the preceding 
days. The armament had not been changed. 
The growth was in their own frightened imagin- 
ation. The Duke had other causes for uneasiness. 
His own magazines were also giving out under 
the unexpected demands upon them. One battle 
was the utmost which he had looked for. He 
had fought three, and the end was no nearer than 
before. With resolution he might still have 
made his way into St, Helen's roads, for the 
English were evidently afraid to close with him. 
But when St, Dominic, too, failed him he lost his 
head. He lost his heart, and losing heart he 
lost all. In the Solent he would have been com- 
paratively safe, and he could easily have taken 
the Isle of Wight ; but his one thought now was 



270 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

to find safety under Parma's gaberdine and make 
for Calais or Dunkirk, He supposed Parma to 
have already embarked, on hearing of his coming, 
with a second armed fleet, and in condition for 
immediate action. He sent on another pinnace, 
pressing for help, pressing for ammunition, and 
fly-boats to protect the galleons ; and Parma was 
himself looking to be supplied from the Armada, 
with no second fleet at all, only a flotilla of river 
barges which would need a week's work to be 
prepared for the crossing. 

Philip had provided a splendid fleet, a splendid 
army, and the finest sailors in the world except 
the English. He had failed to realise that the 
grandest preparations are useless with a fool to 
command. The poor Duke was less to blame 
than his master. An ofiice had been thrust upon 
him for which he knew that he had not a single 
qualification. His one anxiety was to find Parma, 
lay the weight on Parma's shoulders, and so have 
done with it. 

On Friday he was left alone to make his way 
up Channel towards the French shore. The 
English still followed, but he counted that in 



8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 271 

Calais roads he would be in French waters, where 
they would not dare to meddle with him. They 
would then, he thought, go home and annoy him 
no further. As he dropped anchor in the dusk 
outside Calais on Saturday evening he saw, to his 
disgust, that the endemoniada gente — the infernal 
devils — as he called them, had brought up at the 
same moment with himself, half a league astern of 
him. His one trust was in the Prince of Parma, 
and Parma at any rate was now within touch. 



LECTURE IX 

DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 

TN the gallery at Madrid there is a picture, 
painted by Titian, representing the Genius 
of Spain coming to the delivery of the afflicted 
Bride of Christ. Titian was dead, but the temper 
of the age survived, and in the study of that great 
picture you will see the spirit in which the 
Spanish nation had set out for the conquest of 
England. The scene is the seashore. The Church 
a naked Andromeda, with dishevelled hair, 
fastened to the trunk of an ancient disbranched 
tree. The cross lies at her feet, the cup over- 
turned, the serpents of heresy biting at her from 
behind with uplifted crests. Coming on before a 
leading breeze is the sea monster, the Moslem 
fleet, eager for their prey ; while in front is 
Perseus, the Genius of Spain, banner in hand, 



LECT. 9-] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 273 

with the legions of the faithful laying not raiment 
before him, but shield and helmet, the apparel of 
Avar for the Lady of Nations to clothe herself 
with strength and smite her foes. 

In the Armada the crusading enthusiasm had 
reached its j)oint and focus. England was the 
stake to Avhich the Virgm, the daughter of Sion, 
was bound in captivity. Perseus had come at 
last in the person of the Duke of Medina Sidonia, 
and with him all that was best and brightest in 
the countrymen of Cervantes, to break her bonds 
and replace her on her throne. They had sailed 
into the Channel in pious hope, with the blessed 
banner waving over their heads. 

To be the executor of the decrees of Providence 
is a lofty ambition, but men in a state of high 
emotion overlook the precautions Avhich are not to 
be dispensed with even on the sublimest of errands. 
Don Quixote, when he set out to redress the 
Avrongs of humanity, forgot that a change of linen 
might be necessary, and that he must take money 
with him to pay his hotel bills. Philip II., in 
sending the Armada to England, and confident in 
supernatural protection, imagined an unresisted 



274 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

triumphal procession. He forgot that contractors 
might be rascals, that water four months in the 
casks in a hot climate turned putrid, and that 
putrid water would poison his ships' companies, 
though his crews were companies of angels. He 
forgot that the servants of the evil one might fight 
for their mistress after all, and that he must send 
adequate supplies of powder, and, worst forgetful- 
ness of all, that a great naval expedition required a 
leader who understood his business. Perseus, in the 
shape of the Duke of Medina Sidonia, after a week 
of disastrous battles, found himself at the end of 
it in an exposed roadstead, where he ought never 
to have been, nine-tenths of his provisions thrown 
overboard as unfit for food, his ammunition ex- 
hausted by the unforeseen demands upon it, the 
seamen and soldiers harassed and dispirited, 
officers the whole week without sleep, and the 
enemy, who had hunted him from Plymouth to 
Calais, anchored within half a league of him. 

Still, after all his misadventures, he had brought 
the fleet, if not to the North Foreland, yet within 
a few miles of it, and to outward appearance not 
materially injured. Two of the galleons had been 



9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 275 

taken ; a third, the Santa Ana, had strayed ; and 
his galleys had left him, being found too weak for 
the Channel sea ; but the great armament had 
reached its destination substantially uninjured so 
far as English eyes could see. Hundreds of men 
had been killed and hundreds more wounded, and 
the spirit of the rest had been shaken. But the 
loss of life could only be conjectured on board the 
English fleet. The English admiral could only 
see that the Duke was now in touch with Parma. 
Parma, they knew, had an army at Dunkirk with 
him, which was to cross to England. He had 
been collecting men, barges, and transports all the 
winter and spring, and the backward state of 
Parma's preparations could not be anticipated, 
still less relied uj)on. The Calais anchorage was 
unsafe; but at that season of the year, especially 
after a wet summer, the weather usually settled ; 
and to attack the Spaniards in a French port might 
be dangerous for many reasons. It was uncertain 
after the day of the Barricades whether the Duke 
of Guise or Henry of Valois was master of France, 
and a violation of the neutrality laws might easily 
.at that moment bring Guise and France into the 



276 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

field on the Spaniards' side. It was, no doubt, 
with some such expectation that the Duke and 
his advisers had chosen Calais as the point at 
which to bring up. It was now Saturday, the 7th 
of August. The Governor of the town came off in 
the evening to the Ban Martin. He expressed 
surprise to see the Spanish fleet in so exposed a 
position, but he was profuse in his offers of service. 
Anything which the Duke required should be pro- 
vided, especially every facility for communicating 
with Dunkirk and Parma. The Duke thanked 
him, said that he supposed Parma to be already 
embarked with his troops, ready for the passage, 
and that his own stay in the roads would be but 
brief. On Monday morning at latest he expected 
that the attempt to cross would be made. The 
Governor took his leave, and the Duke, relieved 
from his anxieties, was left to a peaceful night. 
He was disturbed on the Sunday morning by an 
express from Parma informing him that, so far 
from being embarked, the army could not be 
ready for a fortnight. The barges were not in 
condition for sea. The trooj^s were in camp. The 
arms and stores were on the quays at Dunkirk. 



9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 277 

As for the fly-boats and ammunition which the 
Duke had asked for, he had none to spare. He 
had himself looked to be supplied from the 
Armada. He promised to use his best expedition, 
but the Duke, meanwhile, must see to the safety 
of the fleet. 

Unwelcome news to a harassed landsman thrust 
into the position of an admiral and eager to be 
rid of his responsibilities. If by evil fortune the 
north-wester should come down u]3on him, with 
the- shoals and sandbanks close under his lee, he 
would be in a bad way. Nor was the view behind 
him calculated for comfort. There lay the enemy 
almost within gunshot, who, though scarcely more 
than half his numbers, had hunted him like a pack 
of bloodhounds, and, worse than all, in double 
strength ; for the Thames squadron — three 
Queen's ships and thii^ty London adventurers — 
under Lord H. Seymour and Sir John Hawkins, 
had crossed in the night. There they were be- 
tween him and Cape Grisnez, and the reinforce- 
ment meant plainly enough that mischief was in 
the mnd. 

After a week so trying the Spanish crews 



278 ENGLISH SEAMEN ' [lect. 

would have been glad of a Sunday's rest if they 
could have had it ; but the rough handling which 
they had gone through had thrown everything 
into disorder. The sick and wounded had to 
be cared for, torn rigging looked to, splintered 
timbers mended, decks scoured, and guns and 
arms cleaned up and put to rights. And so it was 
that no rest could be allowed ; so much had to be 
done, and so busy was everyone, that the usual 
rations were not served out and the Sunday was 
kept as a fast. In the afternoon the stewards 
went ashore for fresh meat and vegetables. They 
came back with their boats loaded, and the prospect 
seemed a little less gloomy. Suddenly, as the 
Duke and a group of officers were watching the 
English fleet from the San Martins poop deck, a 
small smart pinnace, carrying a gun in her bow, 
shot out from Howard's lines, bore down on the 
San Martin, sailed round her, sending in a shot 
or two as she passed, and went off unhurt. 
The Spanish officers could not help admiring 
such airy impertinence. Hugo de MonQada sent 
a ball after the pinnace, which went through 
' her mainsail, but did no damage, and the 



9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 279 

pinnace again disappeared behind the English 
ships. 

So a Spanish officer describes the scene. The 
EngHsh story says nothing of the pinnace; but 
she doubtless came and went as the Spaniard 
says, and for sufficient purpose. The English, 
too, were in straits, though the Duke did not 
dream of it. You will remember that the last 
supplies which the Queen had allowed to the fleet 
had been issued in the middle of June. They 
were to serve for a month, and the contractors 
were forbidden to prepare more. The Queen had 
clung to her hope that her differences with Philip 
were to be settled by the Commission at Ostend ; 
and she feared that if Drake and Howard were 
too well furnished they would venture some fresh 
rash stroke on the coast of Spain, which might 
mar the negotiations. Their month's provisions 
had been stretched to serve for six weeks, and 
when the Armada appeared but two full days' 
rations remained. On these they had fought 
their way up Channel. Something had been 
brought out by private exertion on the Dorset- 
shire coast, and Seymour had, perhaps, brought a 



28o ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

little more. But they were still in extremity. 
The contractors had warned the Government that 
they could provide nothing without notice, and 
notice had not been given. The adventurers 
were in better state, having been equipped by 
private owners. But the Queen's ships in a day 
or two more must either go home or theii* crews 
would be starving. They had been on reduced 
rations for near two months. Worse than that, 
they were still poisoned by the sour beer. The 
Queen had changed her mind so often, now 
ordering the fleet to prepare for sea, then re- 
calling her instructions and paying off the men, 
that those whom Howard had with him had been 
enlisted in haste, had come on board as they were, 
and their clothes were hanging in rags on them. 
The fighting and the sight of the fl3^ng Spaniards 
were meat and drink, and clothing too, and had 
made them careless of all else. There was no 
fear of mutiny; but there was a limit to the 
toughest endurance. If the Armada was left 
undisturbed a long struggle might be still before 
them. The enemy would recover from its flurry, 
and Parma would come out from Dunkirk. To 



9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 281 

attack them directly in French waters might lead 
to perilous complications, while delay meant 
famine. The Spanish fleet had to be started 
from the roads in some way. Done it must be, 
and done immediately. 

Then, on that same Sunday afternoon a 
memorable council of war was held in the Arlx's 
main cabin. Howard, Drake, Seymour, Hawkins, 
Martin Frobisher, and two or three others met to 
consult, knowing that on them at that moment 
the liberties of England were depending. Their 
resolution was taken promptly. There was no 
time for talk. After nightfall a strong flood tide 
would be setting up along shore to the Spanish 
anchorage. They would try what could be done 
with fire-ships, and the excursion of the pinnace, 
which was taken for bravado, was probably for a 
survey of the Armada's exact position. Mean- 
time eight useless vessels were coated with pitch 
— hulls, spars, and rigging. Pitch was poured on 
the decks and over the sides, and parties were 
told off to steer them to their destination and 
then fire and leave them. 

The hours stole on, and twilight passed into 



282 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

dark. The night was without a moon. The 
Duke paced his deck late with uneasy sense of 
danger. He observed lights moving up and 
down the English lines, and imagining that the 
endemoniada gcntc — the infernal devils — might be 
up to mischief, ordered a sharp look-out. A faint 
westerly air was curling the water, and towards 
midnight the watchers on board the galleons 
made out dimly several ships which seemed to 
be drifting down upon them. Their experience 
since the action off Plymouth had been so strange 
and unlooked for that anything unintelligible 
which the English did was alarming. 

The jDhantom forms drew nearer, and were 
almost among them when they broke into a blaze 
from water-line to truck, and the two fleets were 
seen by the lurid light of the conflagration ; the 
anchorage, the walls and windows of Calais, and 
the sea shining red far as eye could reach, as 
if the ocean itself was burning. Among the 
dangers which they might have to encounter, 
English fireworks had been especially dreaded 
by the Spaniards. Fire-ships — a fit device of 
heretics — had worked havoc among the Spanish 



9-] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 28 3 

troops, when the bridge was blown up, at 
Antwerp. Thej imagined that similar infernal 
machines were approaching the Armada. A 
capable commander would have sent a few 
launches to grapple the burning hulks, which 
of course were now deserted, and tow them 
out of harm's way. Spanish sailors were not 
cowards, and would not have flinched from duty 
because it might be dangerous ; but the Duke 
and Diego Florez lost their heads again. A 
signal gun from the Ban Martin ordered the 
whole fleet to slip their cables and stand out 
to sea. 

Orders given in panic are doubly unwise, for 
they spread the terror in which they originate. 
The danger from the fire-ships was chiefly from 
the effect on the imagination, for they appear to 
have drifted by and done no real injury. And it 
speaks well for the seamanship and courage of 
the Spaniards that they were able, crowded 
together as they were, at midnight and in sudden 
alarm to set their canvas and clear out without 
running into one another. They buoyed their 
cables, expecting to return for them at daylight, 



284 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

and with only a single accident, to be mentioned 
directly, they executed successfully a really 
difficult manoeuvre. 

The Duke was delighted with himself. The 
fire-ships burnt harmlessly out. He had baffled 
the inventions of the endemoniada gente. He 
brought up a league outside the harbour, and 
supposed that the whole Armada had done the 
same. Unluckily for himself, he found it at day- 
light divided into two bodies. The San Martin 
with forty of the best appointed of the galleons 
were riding together at their anchors. The rest, 
two-thirds of the whole, having no second anchors 
ready, and inexperienced in Channel tides and 
currents, had been lying to. The west wind was 
blowing up. Without seeing where they were 
going they had drifted to leeward, and were two 
leagues off, towards Gravelines, dangerously near 
the shore. The Duke was too ignorant to realise 
the full peril of his situation. He signalled to 
them to return and rejoin him. As the wind and 
tide stood it was impossible. He proposed to 
follow them. The pilots told him that if he did 
the whole fleet might be lost on the banks. 



9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 285 

Towards the land the look of things was not 
more encouraging. 

One accident only had happened the night 
before. The Caintana galleass, with Don Hugo 
de Mongada and eight hundred men on board, 
had fouled her helm in a cable in getting under 
way and had become unmanageable. The galley 
slaves disobeyed orders, or else Don Hugo was as 
incompetent as his commander-in-chief The 
galleass had gone on the sands, and as the tide 
ebbed had fallen over" on her side, Howard, 
seeing her condition, had followed her in the 
Arh with four or five other of the Queen's ships, 
and was furiously attacking her with his boats, 
careless of neutrality laws. Howard's theory was, 
as he said, to pluck the feathers one by one from 
the Spaniard's wing, and here was a feather worth 
picking up. The galleass was the most splendid 
vessel of her kind afloat, Don Hugo one of the 
greatest of Spanish grandees. 

Howard was making a double mistake. He 
took the galleass at last, after three hours' 
fighting. Don Hugo was killed by a musket 
ball. The vessel was plundered, and Howard's 



286 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

men took possession^ meaning to carry her away 
when the tide rose. The French authorities 
ordered him off, threatening to fire upon him ; 
and after wasting the forenoon, he was obliged 
at last to leave her where she lay. Worse than 
this, he had lost three precious hours, and had 
lost along with them, in the opinion of the 
Prince of Parma, the honours of the great day. 
Drake and Hawkins knew better than to 
waste time plucking single feathers. The fire- 
ships had been more effective than they could 
have dared to hope. The enemy was broken up. 
The Duke was shorn of half his strength, and 
the Lord had delivered him into their hand. He 
had got under way, still signalling wildly, and 
uncertain in which direction to turn. His un- 
certainties were ended for him by seeing Drake 
bearing down upon him with the whole English 
fleet, save those which were loitering about the 
galleass. The English had now the advantage of 
numbers. The superiority of their guns he knew 
already, and their greater speed allowed him no 
hope to escape a battle. Forty ships alone were 
left to him to defend the banner of the crusade 



9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 287 

and the honour of Castile ; but those forty were 
the largest and the most powerfully armed and 
manned that he had, and on board them were 
Oquendo, De Leyva, Recalde, and Bretandona, 
the best officers in the Spanish navy next to the 
lost Don Pedro. 

It was now or never for England. The scene 
of the action which was to decide the future of 
Europe was between Calais and Dunkirk, a few 
miles off shore, and within sight of Parma's 
camp. There was no more manoeuvring for the 
weather-gage, no more fighting at long range. 
Drake dashed straight upon his prey as the falcon 
stoops upon its quarry. A chance had fallen to 
him which might never return ; not for the vain 
distinction of carrying prizes into English ports, 
not for the ray of honour which would fall on him 
if he could carry off the sacred banner itself and 
hang it in the Abbey at Westminster, but a 
chance so to handle the Armada that it should 
never be seen again in English waters, and deal 
such a blow on Philip that the Spanish Empire 
should reel with it. The English ships had the 
same superiority over the galleons which steamers 



288 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

have now over sailing vessels. They had twice 
the speed ; they could lie two points nearer to 
the wind. Sweeping round them at cable's 
length, crowding them in one upon the other, yet 
never once giving them a chance to grapple, they 
hurled in their cataracts of round shot. Short as 
was the powder supply, there was no sparing it 
that morning. The hours went on, and still the 
battle raged, if battle it could be called where 
the blows were all dealt on one side and the 
suffering was all on the other. Never on sea or 
land did the Spaniards show themselves worthier 
of their great name than on that day. But from 
the first they could do nothing. It was said 
afterwards in Spain that the Duke showed the 
white feather, that he charged his pilot to keep 
him out of harm's way, that he shut himself up 
in his cabin, buried in woolpacks, and so on. 
The Duke had faults enough, but poltroonery was 
not one of them. He, who till he entered the 
English Channel had never been in action on sea 
or land, found himself, as he said, in the midst 
of the most furious engagement recorded in the 
history of the world. As to being out of harm's 



9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 289 

way, the standard at his masthead drew the 
hottest of the fire upon him. The Ban Martin's 
timbers were of oak and a foot thick, but the 
shot, he said, went through them enough to 
shatter a rock. Her deck was a slaughterhouse ; 
half his company were killed or wounded, and 
no more would have been heard or seen of the 
San Martin or her commander had not Oquendo 
and De Leyva pushed in to the rescue and 
enabled him to creep away under their cover. 
He himself saw nothing more of the action after 
this. The smoke, he said, was so thick that he 
could make out nothing, even from his masthead. 
But all round it was but a repetition of the same 
scene. The Spanish shot flew high, as before, 
above the low English hulls, and they were 
themselves helpless butts to the English guns. 
And it is noticeable and supremely creditable to 
them that not a single galleon struck her colours. 
One of them, after a long duel with an English- 
man, was on the point of sinking. An English 
officer, admiring the courage which the Spaniards 
had shown, ran out upon his bowsprit, told them 
that they had done all which became men, and 



29Q ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

urged them to surrender and save their lives. 
For answer they cursed the English as cowards 
and chickens because they refused to close. The 
officer was shot. His fall brought a last broadside 
on them, which finished the work. They went 
down, and the water closed over them. Rather 
death to the soldiers of the Cross than surrender 
to a heretic. 

The deadly hail rained on. In some ships 
blood was seen streaming out of the scupper- 
holes. Yet there was no yielding; all ranks 
showed equal heroism. The priests went up and 
down in the midst of the carnage, holding the 
crucifix before the eyes of the dying. At midday 
Howard came up to claim a second share in a 
victory which was no longer doubtful. Towards 
the afternoon the Spanish fire slackened. Their 
powder was gone, and they could make no return 
to the cannonade which was still overwhelming 
them. They admitted freely afterwards that if 
the attack had been continued but two hours 
more they must all have struck or gone ashore. 
But the English magazines were empty also ; the 
last cartridge was shot away, and the battle 



9-] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 291 

ended from mere inability to keep it ujx It 
had been fought on both sides with peculiar 
determination. In the English there was the 
accumulated resentment of thirty years of menace 
to their country and their creed, with -^he enemy 
in tangible shape at last to be caught and 
grappled with ; in the Spanish, the sense that if 
their cause had not brought them the help they 
looked for from above, the honour and faith of 
Castile should not suffer in their hands. 

It was over. The English drew off, regretting 
that their thrifty mistress had limited their means 
of fighting for her, and so obliged them to leave 
their work half done. When the cannon ceased 
the wind rose, the smoke rolled away, and in the 
level light of the sunset they could see the results 
of the action. 

A galleon in Recalde's squadron was sinking 
with all hands. The Ban Philip and the San 
Mattco were drifting dismasted towards the Dutch 
coast, where they were afterwards wrecked. Those 
which were left with canvas still showing were 
crawling slowly after their comrades who had not 
been engaged, the spars and rigging so cut up 



292 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

that they could scarce bear their sails. The loss 
of life could only be conjectured; but it had been 
obviously terrible. The nor'-wester was blowing 
up and was pressing the wounded ships upon the 
shoals, from which, if it held, it seemed impossible 
in their crippled state they would be able to 
work off. 

In this condition Drake left them for the 
night, not to rest, but from any quarter to collect, 
if he could, more food and poAvder. The snake 
had been scotched, but not killed. More than 
half the great fleet were far away, untouched by 
shot, perhaps able to fight a second battle if they 
recovered heart. To follow, to drive them on the 
banks if the wind held, or into the North Sea, 
anywhere so that he left them no chance of join- 
ing hands with Parma again, and to use the time 
before they had rallied from his blows, that was 
the present necessity. His own poor fellows were 
famished and in rags; but neither he nor they 
had leisure to think of themselves. There was 
but one thought in the whole of them, to be again 
in chase of the flying foe. Howard was resolute 
as Drake. All that was possible was swiftly done. 



9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 293 

Seymour and the Thames squadron were to stay- 
in the Straits and watch Parma. From every 
attainable source food and powder were collected 
for the rest — far short in both ways of what ought 
to have been, but, as Drake said, ' we were resolved 
to put on a brag and go on as if we needed 
nothing.' Before dawn the admiral and he were 
again off on the chase. 

The brag was unneeded. What man could 
do had been done, and the rest was left to the 
elements. Never again could Spanish seamen be 
brought to face the English guns with Medina 
Sidonia to lead them. They had a fool at their 
head. The Invisible Powers in whom they had 
been taught to trust had deserted them. Their 
confidence was gone and their spirit broken. 
Drearily the morning broke on the Duke and his 
consorts the day after the battle. The Armada 
had collected in the night. The nor'-wester had 
freshened to a gale, and they were labouring 
heavily along, making fatal leeway towards the 
shoals. 

It was St. Lawrence's Day, Philip's patron 
saint, whose shoulder-bone he had lately added to 



294 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

the treasures of the Escurial ; but St. Lawrence 
was as heedless as St. Dominic. The &an Martin 
had but six fathoms under her. Those nearer to 
the land signalled five, and right before them 
they could see the brown foam of the breakers 
curling over the sands, while on their weather- 
beam, a mile distant and clinging to them like 
the shadow of death, were the English ships 
which had pursued them from Plymouth like 
the dogs of the Furies. The Spanish sailors and 
soldiers had been without food since the evening 
when they anchored at Calais. All Sunday they 
had been at work, no rest allowed them to eat. 
On the Sunday night they had been stirred out 
of their sleep by the fire-ships. Monday they 
had been fighting, and Monday night committing 
their dead to the sea. Now they seemed advanc- 
ing directly upon inevitable destruction. As the 
wind stood there was still room for them to wear 
and thus escape the banks, but they would then 
have to face the enemy, who seemed only refrain- 
ing from attacking them because while they 
continued on their present course the winds and 
waves would finish the work without help from 



9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 295 

man. Recalde, De Leyva, Oquendo, and other 
officers were sent for to the 8an Martin to consult. 
Oquendo came last. 'Ah, Senor Oquendo/ said 
the Duke as the heroic Biscayan stepped on board, 
' que haremos ? ' (what shall we do ?) ' Let your 
Excellency bid load the guns again,' was Oquen- 
do's gallant answer. It could not be. De Leyva 
himself said that the men would not fight the 
English again. Florez advised surrender. The 
Duke wavered. It was said that a boat was 
actually lowered to go off to Howard and make 
terms, and that Oquendo swore that if the boat 
left the San Martin on such an errand he would 
fling Florez into the sea. Oquendo's advice would 
have, perhaps, been the safest if the Duke could 
have taken it. There were still seventy ships 
in the Armada little hurt. The English were 
'bragging,' as Drake said, and in no condition 
themselves for another serious engagement. But 
the temper of the entire fleet made a courageous 
course impossible. There was but one Oquendo. 
Discipline was gone. The soldiers in their des- 
peration had taken the command out of the hands 
of the seamen. Officers and men alike abandoned 



296 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

hope, and, with no human prospect of salvation 
left to them, they flung themselves on their knees 
upon the decks and prayed the Almighty to have 
pity on them. But two weeks were gone since 
they had knelt on those same decks on the first 
sight of the English shore to thank Him for having 
brought them so far on an enterprise so glorious. 
Two weeks ; and what weeks ! Wrecked, torn 
by cannon shot, ten thousand of them dead or 
dying — for this was the estimated loss by battle 
— the survivors could now but pray to be delivered 
from a miserable death by the elements. In 
cyclones the wind often changes suddenly back 
from north-west to west, from west to south. At 
that moment, as if in answer to their petition, one 
of these sudden shifts of wind saved them from 
the immediate peril. The gale backed round to 
S.S.W., and ceased to press them on the shoals. 
They could ease their sheets, draw off into open 
water, and steer a course up the middle of the 
North Sea. 

So only that they went north, Drake was con- 
tent to leave them unmolested. Once away into 
the high latitudes they might go where they 



9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 297 

would. Neither Howard nor he, in the low state 
of their own magazines, desired any unnecessary 
fighting. If the Armada turned back they must 
close with it. If it held its present course they 
must follow it till they could be assured it would 
communicate no more for that summer with the 
Prince of Parma. Drake thought they would 
perhaps make for the Baltic or some port in 
Norway. They would meet no hospitable recep- 
tion from either Swedes or Danes, but they would 
probably try. One only imminent danger re- 
mained to be provided against. If they turned 
into the Forth, it was still possible for the 
Spaniards to redeem their defeat, and even yet 
shake Elizabeth's throne. Among the many 
plans which had been formed for the invasion 
of England, a landing in Scotland had long 
been the favourite. Guise had always preferred 
Scotland when it was intended that Guise should 
be the leader. Santa Cruz had been in close 
correspondence with Guise on this very subject, 
and many officers in the Annada must have 
been acquainted with Santa Cruz's views. The 
Scotch Catholic nobles were still savage at Mary 



298 • ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

Stuart's execution, and had the Armada anchored 
in Leith Roads with twenty thousand men, half 
a million ducats, and a Santa Cruz at its head, 
it might have kindled a blaze at that moment 
from John o' Groat's Land to the Border. 

But no such purpose occurred to the Duke 
of Medina Sidonia. He probably knew nothing 
at all of Scotland or its parties. Among the 
many deficiencies which he had pleaded to Philip 
as unfitting him for the command, he had said 
that Santa Cruz had acquaintances among the 
English and Scotch peers. He had himself none. 
The small information which he had of anything 
did not go beyond his orange gardens and his 
tunny fishing. His chief merit was that he was 
conscious of his incapacity; and, detesting a 
service into which he had been fooled by a 
hysterical nun, his only anxiety was to carry 
home the still considerable fleet which had been 
trusted to him without further loss. Beyond 
Scotland and the Scotch Isles there was the open 
ocean, and in the open ocean there were no sand- 
banks and no English guns. Thus, with all sail 
set he went on before the wind. Drake and 



9.] . DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 299 

Howard attended him till they had seen him 
past the Forth, and knew then that there was 
no more to fear. It was time to see to the wants 
of their own poor fellows, who had endured so 
patiently and fought so magnificently. On the 
13th of August they saw the last of the Armada, 
turned back, and made their way to the Thames. 

But the story has yet to be told of the final 
fate of the great ' enterprise of England ' (the 
'empresa de Inglaterra '), the object of so many 
prayers, on which the hopes of the Catholic world 
had been so long and passionately fixed. It had 
been ostentatiously a religious crusade. The pre- 
parations had been attended with peculiar solem- 
nities. In the eyes of the faithful it was to be 
the execution of Divine justice on a wicked 
princess and a wicked people. In the eyes of 
millions whose convictions were less decided it 
was an appeal to God's judgment to decide 
between the Reformation and the Pope. There 
was an appropriateness, therefore, if due to 
accident, that other causes besides the action of 
man should have combined in its overthrow. 

The Spaniards were experienced sailors; a 



300 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

voyage round the Orkneys and round Ireland to 
Spain might be tedious, but at that season of the 
year need not have seemed either dangerous or 
difficult. On inquiry, however, it was found that 
the condition of the fleet was seriously alarming. 
The provisions placed on board at Lisbon had 
been found unfit for food, and almost all had 
been thrown into the sea. The fresh stores 
taken in at Corunna had been consumed, and it 
was found that at the present rate there would 
be nothing left in a fortnight. Worse than all, 
the water-casks refilled there had been carelessly 
stowed. They had been shot through in the fight- 
ing and were empty; while of clothing or other 
comforts for the cold regions which they were 
entering no thought had been taken. The mules 
and horses were flung overboard, and Scotch 
smacks, which had followed the retreating fleet, 
reported that they had sailed for miles through 
floating carcases. 

The rations were reduced for each man to a 
daily half-pound of biscuit, a pint of water, and 
a pint of wine. Thus, sick and hungry, the 
wounded left to the care of a medical officer, who 



9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 301 

went from ship to ship, the subjects of so many 
prayers were left to encounter the climate of the 
North Atlantic. The Duke blamed all but him- 
self; he hanged one poor captain for neglect of 
orders, and would have hanged another had he 
dared ; but his authority was gone. They passed 
the Orkneys in a single body. They then parted, 
it was said in a fog ; but each commander had to 
look out for himself and his men. In many ships 
water must be had somewhere, or they would die. 
The 8an Martin, with sixty consorts, went north 
to the sixtieth parallel. From that height the 
pilots promised to take them down clear of the 
coast. The wind still clung to the west, each 
day blowing harder than the last. When they 
braced round to it their wounded spars gave 
way. Their rigging parted. With the greatest 
difficulty they made at last sufficient offing, and 
rolled down somehow out of sight of land, dipping 
their yards in the enormous seas. Of the rest, 
one or two went down among the Western Isles 
and became wrecks there, their crews, or part of 
them, making their way through Scotland to 
Flanders. Others went north to Shetland or the 



302 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

Faroe Islands. Between thirty and forty were 
tempted in upon the Irish coasts. There were 
Irishmen in the fleet, who must have told them 
that they would find the water there for which 
they were perishing, safe harbours, and a friendly 
Catholic people ; and they found either harbours 
which they could not reach or sea-washed sands 
and reefs. They were all wrecked at various 
places between Donegal and the Blaskets. Some- 
thing like eight thousand half-drowned wretches 
struggled on shore alive. Many were gentlemen, 
richly dressed, with velvet coats, gold chains, and 
rings. The common sailors and soldiers had been 
paid their wages before they started, and each 
had a bag of ducats lashed to his waist when he 
landed through the surf The wild Irish of 
the coast, tempted by the booty, knocked un- 
known numbers of them on the head with their 
battle-axes, or stripped them naked and left them 
to die of the cold. On one long sand strip in Sligo 
an English ojfficer counted eleven hundred bodies, 
and he heard that there were as many more a 
few miles distant. 

The better-educated of the Ulster chiefs, the 



9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 303 

O'Rourke and O'Donnell, hurried down to stop 
the butchery and spare Ireland the shame of 
murdering helpless Catholic friends. Many — how 
many cannot be said — found protection in 
their castles. But even so it seemed as if some 
inexorable fate pursued all who had sailed 
in that doomed expedition. Alonzo de Leyva, 
with half a hundred young Spanish nobles of high 
rank who were under his special charge, made his 
way in a galleass into Killibeg. He was himself 
disabled in landing. O'Donnell received and 
took care of him and his companions. After 
remaining in O'Donnell's castle for a month he 
recovered. The weather appeared to mend. The 
galleass was patched up, and De Leyva ventured 
an attempt to make his way in her to Scotland. 
He had passed the worst danger, and Scotland 
was almost in sight ; but fate would have its 
victims. The galleass struck a rock off Dunluce 
and went to pieces, and Don Alonzo and the 
princely youths who had sailed with him were 
washed ashore all dead, to find an unmarked 
grave in Antrim. 

Most pitiful of all was the fate of those who 



304 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

fell into the hands of the English garrisons in 
Galway and Mayo. Galleons had found their 
way into Galway Bay — one of them had reached 
Galway itself — the crews half dead with famine 
and offering a cask of wine for a cask of water. 
The Galway townsmen were human, and tried to 
feed and care for them. Most were too far gone 
to be revived, and died of exhaustion. Some might 
have recovered, but recovered they would be a 
danger to the State. The English in the West 
of Ireland were but a handful in the midst of a 
sullen, half-conquered population. The ashes of 
the Desmond rebellion were still smoking, and Dr. 
Sanders and his Legatine Commission were fresh 
in immediate memory. The defeat of the Armada 
in the Channel could only have been vaguely 
heard of All that English officers could have 
accurately known must have been that an enor- 
mous expedition had been sent to England by 
Philip to restore the Pope ; and Spaniards, they 
found, were landing in thousands in the midst of 
them with arms and money ; distressed for the 
moment, but sure, if allowed time to get their 
strength again, to set Connaught in a blaze. 



9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 305 

They had no fortresses to hold so many 
prisoners, no means of feeding them, no men to 
spare to escort them to Dublin. They were 
responsible to the Queen's Government for the 
safety of the country. The Spaniards had not 
come on any errand of mercy to her or hers. 
The stern order went out to kill them all 
wherever they might be found, and two thousand 
or more were shot, hanged, or put to the sword. 
Dreadful ! Yes, but war itself is dreadful and 
has its own necessities. 

The sixty ships which had followed the ^an 
Jlfar^m succeeded at last in getting round Cape 
Clear, but in a condition scarcely less miserable 
than that of their companions who had perished 
in Ireland. Half their companies died — died of 
untended wounds, hunger, thirst, and famine fever. 
The survivors were moving skeletons, more 
shadows and ghosts than living men, with scarce 
strength left them to draw a rope or handle a 
tiller. In some ships there was no water for 
fourteen days. The weather in the lower lati- 
tudes lost part of its violence, or not one of them 
would have seen Spain again. As it was they 

X 



3o6 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

drifted on outside Scilly and into the Bay of 
Biscay, and in the second week in September 
they dropped in one by one. Recalde, with 
better success than the rest, made Corunna. 
The Duke, not knowing where he was, found 
himself in sight of Corunna also. The crew of the 
8an Martin were prostrate, and could not work 
her in. They signalled for help, but none came, 
and they dropped away to leeward to Bilbao. 
Oquendo had fallen off still farther to Santander, 
and the rest of the sixty arrived in the following 
days at one or other of the Biscay ports. On 
board them, of the thirty thousand who had left 
those shores but two months before in high hope 
and passionate enthusiasm, nine thousand only 
came back alive — if alive they could be called. 
It is touching to read in a letter from Bilbao of 
their joy at warm Spanish sun, the sight of the 
grapes on the white walls, and the taste of fresh 
home bread and water again. But it came too 
late to save them, and those whose bodies might 
have rallied died of broken hearts and disap- 
pointed dreams. Santa Cruz's old companions 
could not survive the ruin of the Spanish navy. 



9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 307 

Recalde died two days after he landed at Bilbao. 
Santander was Oquendo's home. He had a wife 
and children there, but he refused to see them, 
turned his face to the wall, and died too. The 
common seamen and soldiers were too weak to 
help themselves. They had to be left on board 
the poisoned ships till hospitals could be prepared 
to take them in. The authorities of Church and 
State did all that men could do ; but the case 
was past help, and before September was out all 
but a few hundred needed no further care. 

Philip, it must be said for him, spared nothing 
t© relieve the misery. The widows and orphans 
were pensioned by the State. The stroke which 
had fallen was received with a dignified sub- 
mission to the inscrutable purposes of Heaven. 
Diego Florez escaped with a brief punishment at 
Burgos. None else were punished for faults 
which lay chiefly in the King's o^vn presumption 
in imagining himself the instrument of Providence. 

The Duke thought himself more sinned 
against than sinning. He did not die, like 
Recalde or Oquendo, seeing no occasion for it. 
He flung down his command and retired to his 



3o8 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 

palace at San Lucan ; and so far was Philip from 
resenting the loss of the Armada on its com- 
mander, that he continued him in his governorship 
of Cadiz, where Essex found him seven years later, 
and where he ran from Essex as he had run from 
Drake. 

The Spaniards made no attempt to conceal 
the greatness of their defeat. Unwilling to allow 
that the Upper Powers had been against them, 
they set it frankly down to the superior fighting 
powers of the English. 

The English themselves, the Prince of Parma 
said, were modest in their victory. They thought 
little of their own gallantry. To them the defeat 
and destruction of the Spanish fleet was a declara- 
tion of the Almighty in the cause of their country 
and the Protestant faith. Both sides had ap- 
pealed to Heaven, and Heaven had spoken. 

It was the turn of the tide. The wave of the 
reconquest of the Netherlands ebbed from that 
moment. Parma took no more towns from the 
Hollanders. The Catholic peers and gentlemen 
of England, who had held aloof from the Estab- 
lished Church, waiting ad illud tempus for a 



9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 309 

religious revolution, accepted the verdict of Provi- 
dence. They discovered that in Anglicanism they 
could keep the faith of their fathers, yet remain 
in communion with their Protestant fellow- 
countrymen, use the same liturgy, and pray in 
the same temples. For the first time since 
Elizabeth's father broke the bonds of Rome the 
English became a united nation, joined in loyal 
enthusiasm for the Queen, and were satisfied that 
thenceforward no Italian priest should tithe or 
toll in her dominions. 

But all that, and all that went with it, the 
passing from Spain to England of the sceptre of 
the seas, must be left to other lectures, or other 
lecturers who have more years before them than 
I. My own theme has been the poor Protestant 
adventurers who fought through that perilous 
week in the English Channel and saved their 
country and their country's liberty. 

THE END 



Richard Clay if Sons, limited, London Sr Bungay. 



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